In the fall of 2012, as Syria plunged into civil war and the Eurozone crisis generated panic across global markets, a parliamentary election in Ukraine signaled trouble ahead to those who were paying attention. The results that trickled out on Oct. 28, 2012, indicated that then-President Viktor Yanukovych’s Party of Regions had secured a strong position through dubious constitutional maneuvers and ballot manipulation.
From Ukraine to Syria, Drones Are Reshaping Erdogan’s Foreign Policy
On April 14, Ukrainian forces stunned the world when they sank the Moskva, the heavily armed cruiser that was the flagship of Moscow’s Black Sea fleet. As widely noted in the international press, the Ukrainians succeeded in hitting the ship with their homegrown Neptune missiles, despite the ship’s significant defenses. What has been somewhat less noted, however, were the foreign-made drones that enabled this remarkable attack: according to Ukrainian officials, the strike was coordinated by a pair of Turkish Bayraktar TB2 unmanned drones, which were able to evade the ship’s radar and which provided precise targeting information for the missiles.
How Neutrality on Ukraine Weakens India
In February, as Russian tanks rolled across the Ukrainian border and Russian missiles rained down on Ukrainian cities, India equivocated. Its representatives at the UN abstained on 12 resolutions condemning the invasion. Its initial statements at the Security Council were decidedly mealy-mouthed: its UN ambassador did not mention Russia by name, nor did he criticize the war. India’s foreign ministry expressed a curious evenhandedness, seeking “de-escalation,” as if both countries were belligerents, and pleading for a “return” to “the path of diplomatic negotiations and dialogue.” Despite the rhetorical care the administration of Prime Minister Narendra Modi has adopted to appear neutral, the time may have come for India, in its own interest, to rethink its stance.
It seems fantastical, but observers may soon look back on the late twentieth century as a period of relative stability in the Middle East. Although there was no shortage of conflict and mayhem, the violence rarely led to dramatic change. No states were conquered and eliminated outright. Dictators came and went, but borders and even regimes changed little. After 1973, most of the major countries in the region stopped fighting one another directly, opting for terrorism and insurgency—strategies of the weak—over conventional attacks. Iraqi President Saddam Hussein and the Libyan leader Muammar al-Qaddafi took longer to learn. Indeed, Saddam never really learned at all. But they were the exceptions that proved the rule.
The religious festival Eid al-Fitr, or the “Festival of Breaking the Fast,” is one of two major holidays celebrated by Muslims around the world. In the United States, Eid al-Fitr 2022 begins on the evening of Sunday, May 1 and ends on the evening of Monday, May 2.
Also known as the “Lesser Eid,” Eid al-Fitr commemorates the end of the fasting month of Ramadan. An occasion for special prayers, family visits, gift-giving and charity, it takes place over one to three days, beginning on the first day of Shawwal, the 10th month in the Islamic calendar.
A temporary solution to organize Germany into four occupation zones led to a divided nation under the Cold War.
When the Allies celebrated Victory in Europe (VE) Day on May 8, 1945, the British military commander Bernard Law Montgomery cautioned his troops, “We have won the German war. Let us now win the peace.”
Ukrainian troops now have more than half of the 90 howitzers that the U.S. pledged them to help beat back a Russian attack in the country’s eastern region, chief Pentagon spokesman John Kirby said Wednesday.
The 155mm M777 howitzers were included in President Joe Biden’s two $800 million aid packages approved April 13 and April 21, respectively, and represented the first time that the U.S. sent such artillery to Ukraine since Russian forces invaded Feb. 24.
At a time when power dynamics in the Middle East region are in flux due to the shifting circumstances of the Islamic State, the drawdown of U.S. troops in the region, and the intensification of Iranian-backed attacks on U.S. and Saudi Arabian targets in the region, an historical look at the support Iran and Lebanese Hezbollah (LH) provided to proxies during the Syrian civil war may yield insights into Iran’s past and present playbook not only in Syria but potentially other contexts. The civil war in Syria was a unique catalyst that intensified Iranian economic, political, and religious activity in the country, which was ongoing since the 1980s. During the conflict, Iran demonstrated the ability to exert influence tactically while also building a religious and social support base in Syrian society. Iran achieved these goals, in part, through raising and supporting various non-state militant groups in Syria.
Hamas “will remain committed to its charter until the goals of our people are achieved, including the liberation [of all Palestine].” — Hazem Qassem, Hamas spokesperson, palinfo.com, April 22, 2022.
The Biden administration’s representatives who are talking about “the need for all parties to work for calm, especially in Jerusalem,” appear to be overlooking that the latest tensions are, at best, only partially related to the city or the al-Aqsa Mosque.
Türkiye’de Batı dünyasında olduğu gibi kurumsal bir yabancı düşmanlığı olduğuna inanmıyorum. Her toplumda göçmenler ile yerliler arasında zaman zaman gerilimler olabilir. Göçmenlerden rahatsızlık duyanların sayısı da artış gösterebilir. Ancak şükürler olsun ülkemizde bu tür duygu ve düşüncelerin üzerine inşa edilmiş siyasi partiler, sivil toplum örgütleri falan söz konusu değil. Yeni yeni birileri sırf bu tür düşmanlık eğilimleri üzerinden siyasi parti denemeleri falan yapıyor ama Türk toplumunun genel yapısı itibarıyla böylesi denemelerin beklentilerini alamayacağını düşünüyorum.