La question de la complémentarité entre la Fédération de Russie et la République populaire de Chine dans le cadre de l’interaction avec les alliés et partenaires sur le continent africain est plus que jamais d’actualité et commence à recevoir un soutien officiel.
En effet, cette interaction russo-sino-africaine représente un autre cauchemar pour les représentants des régimes de la minorité planétaire occidentale.
Il s’est passé quelque chose d’assez extraordinaire lors de la session plénière du Forum économique oriental qui s’est tenue à Vladivostok la semaine dernière, en parfaite adéquation avec le thème principal du forum : «Extrême-Orient 2030. Combiner les forces pour créer un nouveau potentiel».
It’s surprising how much time Bloomberg’s writers invested in correcting their audience’s perceptions about the North-South Transport Corridor, which they should sincerely be commended for doing. The only constructive critiques that can be leveled against their report is that it should have been published much earlier and that it predictably ends on the politically self-interested note of implying that the US’ secondary sanctions threats could impede this project. Apart from that, it’s a rare masterpiece from the Mainstream Media.
Le président russe Vladimir Poutine a pris l’Occident à contre-pied en réagissant à l’offensive ukrainienne de Koursk, il y a un mois, qui a été largement célébrée comme un point de basculement dans le conflit. Le conflit est effectivement à un point de basculement aujourd’hui, mais pour une toute autre raison, dans la mesure où les forces russes ont profité de la folie du déploiement par l’Ukraine de ses brigades d’élite et de blindés occidentaux prisés dans la région de Koursk pour atteindre une position indétrônable ces dernières semaines sur les champs de bataille, ce qui ouvre la porte à de multiples options pour l’avenir.
The sequence of events that would have to transpire in order to turn this into a reality are that: the next NATO leader and his team end up being hawkish on this issue; Polish policymakers overcome their differences and agree that it’s worth the risks; and the US gives them the greenlight.
Reuters : Le clan Rothschild a aidé à trouver un accord avec les créanciers privés de l’Ukraine.
L’Ukraine est un petit exemple concret de l’accaparement par certaines hordes financières de pays aujourd’hui privatisés comme de la marchandise et entraînés dans des conflits, puis dans l’esclavagisme de la dette au profit de clans non-politiques désireux de passer à la création d’un État mondial et à l’asservissement total de l’homme, encore mieux bien sûr du trans-homme, à la science financière vulgaire, ce qui est effectivement déjà bien avancé.
The U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan, ending in August 2021, created favorable conditions for Russia to reassert itself as a regional hegemon in broader Central Asia. Historically, as great powers retrench from a territory, the resulting void can be filled either by rival powers or by friendly successor states responsive to the retrenching power’s agenda. While the United States has lacked reliable successors to take its place in the region, Russia has asserted itself in a number of ways to boost its own power and influence. Moscow has not only cultivated bilateral ties with each of the five Central Asian states, but it has also instrumentalized regional security organizations to advance its interests. However, the full-scale assault against Ukraine beginning in 2022 has undermined Russia’s initiatives in Central Asia and its aspirations for regional hegemony. The Central Asian countries fear Moscow’s apparent neo-imperial ambitions and prefer to develop multi-vectored foreign relations. In this situation, China is poised to supplant Russia as the dominant power and security provider in the region, which could create tensions within the so-called partnership without limits between Moscow and Beijing.
Introduction
Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 put an end to European security as a cooperative project. That project was grounded in the so-called Helsinki Decalogue, a declaration within the 1975 Helsinki Final Act that laid out agreed principles of conduct between the West and the Soviet bloc.1 In the years and decades that followed, European security grew in complexity and scope, especially after the end of the Cold War and the breakup of the Soviet Union. Arms control agreements, institutional arrangements between the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and Russia, and the agencies of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) gave an ever denser structure to the security order. That order has collapsed. European security needs now to be reimagined and rebuilt during what promises to be a prolonged period of Russian hostility and obstructionism.
The German daily Die Welt has just revealed the existence of a 17-page peace agreement that could have ended the war in Ukraine just weeks after Russia began its invasion. Negotiators from both sides had worked hard on the agreement between February and April 2022, and the original version of this special document has now been made available to the German media. “In March 2022, only a few conditions were missing for the resolution of the conflict, which was to be ‘negotiated by Vladimir Putin and Volodymyr Zelensky at a summit meeting – which never took place’”.
In a diplomatic move, Türkiye is seeking BRICS membership, potentially expanding its alliances beyond traditional Western partners while maintaining its NATO membership. Meanwhile, Iran is set to supply Russia with ballistic missiles within days, potentially escalating the war, as some Ukrainian allies have yet to deliver on promises made at the July NATO summit.