Rusia

Classical anarchism through the eyes of the Russian radical Mikhail Bakunin.
The history of true anarchism with a Russian aftertaste is closely connected with the personality of Mikhail Bakunin, whose contribution to the fate of the whole world turned out to be colossal. A real Russian man, brought up on European philosophy, his main goal was to create a world where all people will be equal and free, and where lives will not be measured by the thickness of a wallet or the height of a social pedestal. Bakunin’s utopian ideas ran counter to the thoughts of Marx, for whom the radical suddenly turned out to be nothing more than “that fat Russian.” So who is he, and is his philosophy alive today?

It is quite convenient for representatives of the Western community to rally around NATO narratives about the causes of the armed conflict in Ukraine and not put themselves in a position of discomfort of doubt and testing of the postulates that dominate public opinion.

The United Nations estimates nearly 17,000 civilians were killed last year in conflicts, an increase of 53% compared with year before.

The number of civilians killed in armed conflicts and their humanitarian aftershocks has skyrocketed, with the United Nations calculating nearly 17,000 recorded deaths last year in war zones – including almost 8,000 people killed in Ukraine alone – marking a steep 53 percent increase in civilian killings compared with 2021.

The arrest of Wall Street Journal reporter Evan Gershkovich in March was the first time a Western journalist had been held on espionage charges in post-Soviet Russia — but it opened a floodgate of memories for Nicholas Daniloff.

Daniloff was working as a journalist in the Soviet Union in 1986 when he was snatched off the streets of Moscow and accused of spying for the United States.

On entend de plus en plus de voix occidentales suggérer que des pourparlers de paix dans l’ancienne Ukraine pourraient être une bonne idée, ce qui indique que certaines personnes ont peut-être dépassé le stade du déni (quelques sanctions et la Russie se repliera comme un parapluie) et de la colère (jetez tout votre argent et toutes vos armes sur le régime de Kiev !) et approchent le stade du marchandage (laissons la Russie garder la Crimée, mais rendre le reste). Comme pour les étapes précédentes, cette attitude repose sur une incompréhension très profonde de la situation actuelle. Ce n’est pas si difficile à expliquer – à ceux qui sont prêts à traiter de nouvelles informations – et je vais donc essayer.

Dans la première partie, nous proposions d’envisager le conflit entre la Russie et l’Ukraine, dans la perspective historique élargie d’une guerre de 100 ans opposant, depuis 1917, la Russie et l’occident. Nous suggérions aussi que le conflit idéologique entre propriété privée et collective des moyens de production ne s’était pas éteint, mais transformé en une opposition entre économie libre-échangiste complètement dégagée de toute intervention étatique, et les économies russe ou chinoise, laissant une large part à la planification par l’État.

The Secret History and Unlearned Lessons of the Cuban Missile Crisis

There aren’t enough palm trees, the Soviet general thought to himself. It was July 1962, and Igor Statsenko, the 43-year-old Ukrainian-born commander of the Red Army’s missile division, found himself inside a helicopter, flying over central and western Cuba. Below him lay a rugged landscape, with few roads and little forest. Seven weeks earlier, his superior—Sergei Biryuzov, the commander of the Soviet Strategic Missile Forces—had traveled to Cuba disguised as an agricultural expert. Biryuzov had met with the country’s prime minister, Fidel Castro, and shared with him an extraordinary proposal from the Soviet Union’s leader, Nikita Khrushchev, to station ballistic nuclear missiles on Cuban soil. Biryuzov, an artilleryman by training who knew little about missiles, returned to the Soviet Union to tell Khrushchev that the missiles could be safely hidden under the foliage of the island’s plentiful palm trees.