Civilian Militias in Mali, Niger, and Mozambique

Eliminating or Exacerbating Violent Extremism?

For more than a decade, the Sahel has been subject to a protracted insurgency carried out by affiliates of the global terror networks of al-Qaeda and the Islamic State. As the first country affected by this insurgency, Mali has responded by drastically modifying its response to violent extremism. The regional spillover of violent extremism has elicited similar counterterrorism responses from Bamako’s neighbors, with Niger most recently adopting a counterinsurgency model shaped by Mali’s and Burkina Faso’s policies. Although not in the Sahel, Mozambique has faced similar struggles in containing violent extremism and, like Mali and Niger, has implemented multiple counterterrorism programs to curtail the expansion and public support of jihadist groups. Conventional responses to violent extremism—such as the deployment of national military forces and the enlistment of international counterterrorism support—have not been successful and instead have resulted in each state adopting more localized approaches to eliminating the jihadist threat. This increasingly localized approach is often conducted through the deployment of civilian counterterrorism militias—also known as community-led self-defense groups, local militias, local forces, or simply civilian militias. Sometimes sponsored by the state, these local militias are intended to operate independently of national defense forces. However, tangential state status has not only afforded these groups funding and equipment, but it has also justified illicit behavior and discriminatory practices that have added additional threats to national counterterrorism agendas.

BRICS Expansion, the G20, and the Future of World Order

With the addition of new members in BRICS+, the group of emerging powers will be more globally representative­—but also face more internal divisions.

This month, Russian President Vladimir Putin will host the first-ever summit of BRICS+ from October 22 to 24 in the Tatarstan city of Kazan. There, the founding members of BRICS—Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa—will formally welcome into their fold five new members: Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE). Putin has also invited more than two dozen other countries that have applied for or are considering membership in the expanding club. The gathering is meant to send an unmistakable signal: Despite the West’s best efforts to isolate it, Russia has many friends around the world.

Somalia Is Becoming Africa’s Lebanon

The Horn of Africa, a region once described by Jeffrey Lefebvre as one of the world’s most “highly penetrated regional subsystems”, is on the brink of a dangerous turn as the several actors intensify their displays of power in Somalia. Turkey, Egypt, Ethiopia, the UAE, and other regional powers are taking sides in what is fast becoming Africa’s Lebanon—a fractured country where multiple national factions and entities pursue conflicting political agendas, inviting foreign actors to further their own influence and advance their political positions. The most prominent player in this new escalation is Egypt, which has begun to channel military experts and weaponry into Somalia to gain much needed leverage with Ethiopia in relation to the Nile water conflict.

CEP – KAS: Sahel Monitoring May 2024

The month of May saw a significant increase in social media output from both the Islamic State as well as JNIM–as was expected given the continuous rise of online activities of both groups in recent months. The number of statements published during the month of May reached their highest point since reporting began in December 2022. 151 statements were released by the Islamic State’s branches and JNIM, al-Qaeda’s representative in the Sahel.

Rape is being weaponised in Sudan’s war with no justice in sight

As the humanitarian crisis in Sudan intensifies, sexual violence is used to terrorise women & girls, international solidarity is needed, writes Nina Masore.

With the conflict in Sudan now in its second year, the nation is mired in a devastating humanitarian crisis. Compounding the suffering is the use of sexual violence as a weapon of war to punish specific communities and allied militias, and to subjugate, terrorise, and break women and girls. The UN and local human rights groups have recorded numerous incidents of rape, gang rape, and sexual slavery. Many of the victims are children.

Rethinking Responses To Coups In West Africa – Analysis

ECOWAS should use its special summit on regional integration in 2025 to reconsider its approach to managing coups.

Recurrent coups since 2020 and the decision by Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger to withdraw from the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) reveal the region’s deep governance and democracy challenges.

Militant Islamist Groups Advancing in Mali

The recent militant Islamist attack in Bamako is part of a broader push by violent extremist groups into southern Mali and reflective of the deteriorating security in Mali under military rule.

Investigating How Conflict and War Contribute to Methane Emissions

How can reporters learn from new tools about specific causes of methane leaks in conflict-affected areas? We have examined some of the recent conflict hotspots across the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) — namely Syria, Iraq, Yemen, and Libya — to identify what the major sources of methane release are in the region, as well as to better understand how conflicts around the world could damage existing infrastructure and governance and lead to more emissions.

Why West Africa is now the world’s terrorism hotspot

Having slipped undetected into Mali’s capital weeks ago, the jihadis struck just before dawn prayers. They killed dozens of students at an elite police training academy, stormed Bamako’s airport and set the presidential jet on fire.