In 2025, the US National Security Strategy paper would be broadly misinterpreted as a US plan to break with its historical pursuit of global primacy and instead retreat to the Western Hemisphere while somehow reconciling or coexisting with traditional targets of US aggression.
«La chose la plus difficile au monde est de suivre à la trace n’importe quelle idée jusqu’à sa source». ~ Edward Mandell House
La remontée à la source est donc l’objet de ce texte. Il m’a semblé capital de donner au squelette d’une description linéaire des faits leur densité psychologique et leur incarnation dans les hommes qui ont fait l’histoire de cette époque-là.
Farhad N. was just a few months old when hijacked airliners were deliberately piloted into the twin towers of the World Trade Center in New York on September 11, 2001, part of attacks on the United States that killed thousands of people.
Twenty-five years later, he was sentenced to life imprisonment for plowing a Mini Cooper car into a crowd of people in Munich, killing two people and injuring dozens.
Les États-Unis et la Russie veulent conclure la paix le plus vite possible en Ukraine. Le problème n’est pas où l’on croit : il semble que les straussiens (les disciples de Léo Strauss), qui s’étaient infiltrés dans les administrations Obama et Biden, soient aujourd’hui soutenus par les Européens. Or, ce sont eux qui ont déclenché ce conflit inutile.
Key Takeaways:
PAS is no longer just a northern opposition party: largest federal bloc since GE2022, runs Kedah, Kelantan and Terengganu, and with a BN–PN pact just took Negeri Sembilan (August 2026). The article asks what foreign policy would look like if PAS led Putrajaya—not only hudud at home.
Outlook still starts with 1980s ulama politics (Brotherhood + Iran as models; Darul Islam / Ahdi / Harbi; no Israel; Palestine first). In office (PN 2020–22) that mixed with statecraft: Hadi as Middle East envoy (Qatar, Taliban talks; critics called it ceremonial and Brotherhood-tinged); the Lajnah still slams Abraham Accords but Hadi still met the UAE ambassador. Faith frames the world; practice can split from doctrine.
State governments show “development diplomacy.” Terengganu’s Ahmad Samsuri courts Korea (hydrogen, rare earths), Singapore’s Lee Hsien Loong (ECRL, Kemaman Port); Kedah’s Sanusi pitches China on Kulim airport. The author’s bet: a PAS federal government would sound more Islamist than Anwar’s Malaysia but keep China, ASEAN, Gulf and even non-Muslim neighbours for investment—rhetoric shifts more than the trade map. Risk is delivery and competitiveness, not only ideology.
In Malaysia, Parti Islam Se-Malaysia’s (PAS) electoral performance has gained momentum since the 1990s. Since the 2022 General Election, it has held the largest number of seats in the federal parliament. It now also controls three states: Kedah, Kelantan and Terengganu. Rather than viewing PAS as a regional party,[1] policymakers both within and outside Malaysia are beginning to prepare for the possibility of a PAS-led, or at least PAS-dominated, federal government. PAS was part of the federal government in two instances in the past: in Barisan Nasional (BN, 1974-1977) and Perikatan Nasional (PN, 2020-2022), but as a minor party in the coalitions. Currently, there is an electoral pact between BN and PN, which successfully defeated Pakatan Harapan (PH) in the August 2026 Negeri Sembilan state election, thereby forming the new state government. Consequently, it is no longer merely an academic exercise to ask what policy direction Malaysia might take in the eventuality of PAS forming the federal government.[2]
The Russian authorities announced the “wonderful acquisition” of the relics of Dmitry Donskoy and sent them to the front. Modern propaganda paints Dmitry as a holy fighter against the coalition of the “West” and the defender of Orthodoxy. This is already a new iteration of an alternative story around this historical figure, which began to become myths two hundred years after the death of the prince. During his life and in the next few centuries after his death, Dmitry was neither Donskoy nor holy (he was with the church in deep conflict), but the fighter against the West called him and completely ridiculous: no single West then simply did not exist, and everyone fought with everyone.
Cette lutte pour l’avenir de l’Ukraine s’intensifie.
Non seulement sur la ligne de front, ou entre les centres de pouvoir locaux à Kiev, mais aussi entre les services de sécurité des «alliés» anglo-américains.
Le Pacte de La Mecque n’est certainement pas l’équivalent de l’OTAN au Moyen-Orient. Mais il traduit néanmoins une nouvelle réalité en matière d’architecture de sécurité en Asie occidentale.
Le 28 février 2026, les États-Unis se sont associés à Israël pour lancer une guerre d’agression illégale contre l’Iran. Au cours des mois suivants, non seulement les États-Unis n’ont atteint aucun de leurs objectifs militaires et politiques affichés, mais ils ont été contraints de faire face à la dure réalité : pour la première fois de leur histoire, ils ont subi une défaite militaire stratégique face à un ennemi armé. Cette défaite a eu un retentissement mondial : la vulnérabilité militaire conventionnelle dont ont fait preuve les forces américaines — illustrée par leur incapacité à atteindre leurs objectifs militaires en Iran et à défendre de manière efficace les pays arabes du Golfe, la Jordanie et Israël contre les représailles iraniennes — a contraint les nations ayant autrefois fondé leur sécurité — tant individuelle que collective — des garanties de sécurité américaines viables à chercher désespérément une solution alternative.
At a time when the global order is in a state of flux, the 30th anniversary of the renowned yet controversial book The Clash of Civilizations & the Remaking of the World Order becomes a fitting moment for taking stock of things.