Reflectii

Introduction

In the 1988 charter that announced its existence, Hamas introduced itself as “one of the wings of the Muslim Brotherhood in Palestine.” The charter then informs the reader that the Brotherhood “is a universal organization that constitutes the largest Islamic movement in modern times.”1 That is no idle boast. The Brotherhood has scores of national branches across the globe. Among those branches, Hamas stands out for its unbroken record of violence and its readiness to massacre men, women, and children, as it did in southern Israel on October 7, 2023. Yet the ideas that animate Hamas are not unique; they are part of the Brotherhood’s common heritage. These ideas have also spread far beyond the Brotherhood, animating al-Qaeda, the Islamic State, and many other lethal organizations.

In a matter of months, the Trump administration has rewritten the rules of U.S. trade policy. It has imposed blanket tariffs on nearly every country, starting at ten percent and rising as high as 50 percent. Levies on a host of products, such as steel, aluminum, cars, and car parts, have raised these trade barriers even further. At an average effective rate of around 18 percent, U.S. import taxes are now the highest they have been in nearly a century.

According to the security alert, the ISWAP operatives have already commenced surveillance on soft targets in the identified areas, prompting a call for the immediate strengthening of security operations to avert tragedy.

Security agencies in Ondo State have been set on high alert following a leaked memo from the State Security Services (SSS) , warning of threats by terrorists to attack parts of Ondo and Kogi states.

Elon Musk’s blunt warning that “violence is coming” to the UK because of its failed immigration policy dating back decades has turned out to be chillingly prophetic. Within just weeks of the tech entrepreneur issuing his dire warning, two Jewish worshippers were killed and three others wounded in a terrorist attack on a synagogue in Manchester, carried out by a Muslim jihadi.

“We are charting something like the fever curve of society,” journalism professor Thomas Hestermann said of his new study, “Crime and Migration: Perception in German Media,”

which examined how the nationality and ethnicity of crime suspects has been reported since 2007.

Hestermann’s team at the Macromedia University of Applied Sciences in Hamburg compiled their 2025 findings for the Berlin-based Mediendienst Integration, a research service for journalists that focuses on migration, integration and asylum. The results, published on Friday, are alarming: “Foreign suspects are mentioned about three times more often than their share in police statistics.”

Immigrants or refugees do not have a higher tendency to commit crime and there is no correlation between the proportion of immigrants in a given district and the local crime rate, according to a new analysis of the latest German crime statistics carried out by the renowned ifo institute.

Selon l’essayiste et ancien agent du Service action de la DGSE, Français et Britanniques cèdent le terrain aux islamistes. Seule une riposte ferme, structurée et spirituelle, résolue à combattre l’islamisme visible et à maitriser strictement l’immigration, peut éviter un basculement sociétal tragique. Réaffirmer un projet national enraciné dans les valeurs judéo-chrétiennes et républicaines est une nécessité, selon lui.

Abstract: The fall of Bashar al-Assad in Syria in December 2024 may have disrupted large-scale production of the illicit drug captagon, but the trade has, by no means, disappeared from the black market. Instead, a new, post-Assad Syria marks a shift in this illicit trade, from state monopoly over production and trafficking to non-state entrepreneurialism in the captagon trade. The remnants of the captagon trade now lie in the hands of warlords, tribes, prominent families, armed militias, and terrorist organizations seeking to engage in captagon production and trafficking as a lucrative alternative revenue stream. With the Assad regime no longer holding a monopoly over the supply of captagon, new non-state actors are seeking to fill a vacuum both inside and outside of Syria, moving production and trafficking sites to new contested areas. The result is not an eradicated captagon trade, but a more complicated, challenging landscape for regional governments.

Qui commande en Europe ? En Allemagne, BlackRock détient des participations, directement ou par l’intermédiaire de fonds qu’il possède, comprises entre 3% et 10% dans Commerzbank, Deutsche Bank, Continental, Adidas, Bayer, Lufthansa, Sofran, Daimler, AG, Basf, Allianz, Siemens, Thyssen Krupp, Münchener Re, Rheinmetall, Hensholdt. À cet ensemble de participations s’ajoute une longue liste d’actions détenues, en dessous du seuil de 3%, dans de très nombreuses autres sociétés allemandes, notamment dans le secteur du crédit et des assurances.