Reflectii

With Russia pressing from the east and Trump polling well in the west, the EU needs a dramatic increase in its defense capabilities.

European strategic autonomy, strategic independence, and emancipation—these concepts have been ambiguously defined and, consequently, unconvincingly operationalized since they became buzzwords after the publication of the 2016 EU Global Strategy. While the Trump presidency may have awoken Europe to the transatlantic partnership’s fragility, particularly as the U.S. under different administrations seems keen to redefine its global leadership, the current turbulent European security landscape renders the EU’s ability to defend itself more relevant and challenging than ever. Greater strategic autonomy will require rapid defense integration among EU member states, an emphasis on understanding the perceptions and requirements of its Central and Eastern member states, and a commitment to a strong European pillar in the NATO structure that can at least maintain a first line of defense in case of strained U.S. capabilities.

The new Iron Curtain that’s descending upon Western Eurasia from the Arctic (Finland) to Central Europe (Poland) via the Baltics is for psychological purposes to scare Europeans into doing whatever their leaders demand on false security-related pretexts so that the US can continue dividing-and-ruling them.

The U.S. was born out of ideas and the geopolitical schemes of competing maritime empires, forging a foreign policy approach that dominates its foreign relations today.

Considering whether modern states are empires tells us almost nothing useful about either modern states or empires. A better question is what policies and structures pioneered by empires are still employed by states today, and how.

Most modern aspects of just war theory found in the West can be traced to Saint Augustine of Hippo, and later specified by Saint Thomas Aquinas. The basic purpose of this theory was to teach Christians, and other just rulers, that waging war in general was not sinful if war was waged under certain circumstances for certain moral purposes. This theory is broken down into two parts. First is the right to go to war, and second is how states are to act during war. The principles of just war theory have been the underlying justifications for many modern conflicts, even if not acknowledged explicitly.

D’un point de vue pratique – puisque la politique tient avant tout du pragmatisme collectif -, le plein-emploi est sans doute le premier critère observable d’une société réellement inclusive. Avec ses 3 millions de chômeurs, on peut raisonnablement dire que la France actuelle est en crise et pratique plus ou moins directement l’exclusion, malgré les diverses offensives sociétales menées par les gouvernements successifs. Nous ne parlerons pas des offensives migratoires qui, alimentant au mieux l’économie parallèle (traite d’êtres humains, exploitation sexuelle, trafic d’organes…), ne font qu’apporter une misère exotique à la misère locale.

By dragging down Germany and thus weakening its influence over Central & Eastern Europe simultaneously with empowering Poland’s rise as a Great Power over that same strategic space, the US hopes to play their EuroLiberal and EuroRealist blocs off against one another in order to perpetually divide and rule the EU.

Poland is now working hand-in-glove with Germany to turbocharge the latter’s superpower trajectory and especially its military component, which is reshaping European geopolitics and is therefore a development of global importance.

Les gouvernements occidentaux, France en tête, font désormais se succéder sans répit les épisodes de terreur contre leurs populations. Virus manipulé, fausse pandémie, attentats sous fausse bannière, affolement climatique, crises économiques provoquées, menaces de guerre : il s’agit véritablement de placer constamment sous tension les populations. Apeurées, celles-ci sont bien plus manipulables et beaucoup moins susceptibles de se révolter. Contrôler les peuples par la peur est évidemment une technique de pouvoir vieille comme le monde. Mais la stratégie de la tension généralisée à laquelle est soumis aujourd’hui l’Occident – où les États n’hésitent pas à user de méthodes terroristes contre leurs propres populations – trouve son modèle dans l’Italie des années 1970. Ce sont les fameuses «années de plomb», au cours desquelles l’OTAN – par l’intermédiaire de son réseau clandestin Gladio – va organiser d’innombrables attentats sous fausse bannière. À ce jour, la plupart de ces attentats n’ont pas été jugés et leurs commanditaires n’ont jamais été inquiétés. Quant aux États-Unis, ils continuent d’être considérés en Italie comme l’allié principal de la péninsule.
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If Trump Pulls Out, the Alliance Would Likely Fall Apart

Last month, NATO, the world’s most successful military alliance, celebrated its 75th anniversary. Some fear that it may have been its last anniversary with the United States playing a leading role. Former U.S. President Donald Trump still views the alliance as obsolete. If reelected, he says he would encourage Russian leaders to do “whatever the hell they want” to member states that do not pay what he considers to be enough for defense. A second Trump presidency could have dire implications for European security.

Dans son dernier essai, La Défaite de l’Occident, Emmanuel Todd remet en question «l’axiome» de l’État-nation qui règle les relations internationales depuis le XVIIIe siècle jusqu’à aujourd’hui (axiome fondateur des «Nations unies»). Il propose «une interpréta­tion pour ainsi dire post-euclidienne de la géopolitique mondiale», qui ne repose pas sur l’État-nation, mais fait plutôt l’hypothèse de sa disparition prochaine1.