Hezbollah and Amal are already manipulating where donor funding goes and who gets credit for reconstruction, so Washington and its partners should coordinate ways to bypass them before the country’s wider reconstruction effort begins in earnest—starting with the first batch of “pilot zones.”
A review of Aliza Marcus’s book ‘Resurgence & Revolution: The PKK and the Kurdish Fight in Turkey and Syria’
Aliza Marcus’s latest book offers a useful timeline of events and insightful interviews with PKK figures; but the darker stains remain woven into a compelling liberation narrative instead of being allowed to disrupt it – leaving empty some much-needed space between romanticisation and demonisation.
Anyone looking for critical literature offering an inside view of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), particularly its Syrian affiliate, encounters a familiar problem. Even accounts not written by former People’s Protection Units (YPG) fighters themselves and presented as scholarly studies tend to carry distinctly activist undertones.
Un des grands mythes concernant le nazisme — non pas le parti, mais l’idéologie : le fascisme impérialiste, raciste et fasciste — est qu’il ne sévissait que dans le pays qui a perpétré l’Holocauste, l’Allemagne. Or, c’est comme si des centaines d’expulsions massives, de croisades (les djihads ou «guerres saintes» antérieurs à l’existence de Mahomet et de l’islam) et de pogroms contre les juifs, soutenus par l’Église chrétienne, n’avaient pas eu lieu depuis environ l’an 390 (et plus tard contre les musulmans également).
Ben Sales, du Times of Israel, évoque le «moment d’Israël en Amérique latine»1. Il soutient que «Jérusalem capitale d’Israël est une idée accueillie avec enthousiasme par des dirigeants latinos de droite (sic), désireux de suivre l’exemple de la Maison Blanche, de gagner le soutien des électeurs évangéliques (mégasic !) et de bénéficier de la technologie israélienne».
Despite being 1,000 miles apart and in different time zones, Turkey and the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) maintain a military partnership that operates in direct violation of a standing UN arms embargo. Turkish combat drones initially helped SAF reverse the tide of the civil war. However, by late summer, counter-momentum by rival forces erased those gains, forcing Sudanese Chief of Staff Yasir al-Atta to travel to Ankara to request expanded, urgent military assistance from his Turkish counterpart, Selcuk Bayraktaroglu. But what is Turkey doing intervening in Africa?
Le conflit entre la Turquie et Israël s’intensifie, passant du plan diplomatique et économique au domaine judiciaire.
À l’heure actuelle, la Turquie a non seulement bloqué tous les canaux commerciaux et économiques avec Israël, mais elle a également engagé des poursuites contre Netanyahou et 35 autres hauts responsables israéliens devant ses propres tribunaux. Le 21 août, le ministre turc de la Justice, Gürlek, a annoncé publiquement que la Turquie avait officiellement demandé à Interpol d’émettre des avis de recherche rouges à l’encontre des personnes susmentionnées. Les tribunaux turcs ont finalement prononcé un total de 4596 ans de prison à l’encontre de Netanyahou et des autres accusés.
L’entité sioniste génocidaire est confrontée à une crise. Son agent des États-Unis, Trump, victime du chantage du syndicat d’Epstein, est au plus bas dans les sondages. Et la guerre d’Israël contre l’Iran, menée en détournant l’armée américaine, s’annonce comme une défaite catastrophique.
Key Takeaways:
Trump and Treasury Secretary Bessent say Hormuz could be “worthless” in about two years as oil moves by land—pipelines and, for now, thousands of trucks on a 1,500 km Iraq–Syria run to Baniyas. Analysts call that rhetoric. Energy Aspects’ Richard Bronze and former NSC official Robert McNally: extra pipes help crude; they will not retire the strait or the other cargo that uses it.
Existing pipes were already near full before the February war: Saudi Petroline up to 7 million bpd (5 million for export; +2 million under study); UAE Habshan–Fujairah 1.5 million, a doubling targeted by 2027. On the table: revive Kirkuk–Baniyas (~300,000 bpd), keep Kirkuk–Ceyhan (~1.5 million, now ~half used), Basra–Aqaba (up to 2.5 million), mothballed Kirkuk–Tripoli, and expensive Kuwait routes to Yanbu or Fujairah. Trucks and rail are crisis workarounds, not a fleet replacement.
Scale gap: more than 20 million bpd of crude and products went through Hormuz in 2025. Pipes do little for diesel/refined products or Qatari LNG (~one-fifth of world supply; the Dolphin line is only ~20 bcm vs ~110 bcm exported). UNCTAD: 30 million+ TEU and mixed daily traffic (tankers, boxes, bulk grain and fertilizer). Even a full land net would not empty the waterway.
Key Takeaways
The new issue, Palestine Fights Back, challenges the political and intellectual taboo surrounding serious discussion of Palestinian armed resistance.
Six essays examine resistance through the experiences of Palestine, South Africa and the wider region, addressing strategy, culture, history and political agency.
Contributors include Ronnie Kasrils, Tahrir Hamdi, Ramzy Baroud, Robert Inlakesh and Romana Rubeo.
Thinking Palestine has launched its latest thematic issue, Palestine Fights Back, bringing together a series of essays examining Palestinian resistance as a historical, political and strategic phenomenon.