« Stop à l’islamophobie »: mon immense lassitude

Libération, toujours dans les bons coups, a relayé un appel de cinquante personnalités à manifester dans la capitale contre la « stigmatisation » des musulmans de France, le 10 novembre. Leur mot d’ordre? « Stop à l’islamophobie ». On note au passage que Jean-Luc Mélenchon clarifie sa ligne politique, en se rangeant du côté de ceux qui ont pu ricaner des morts de Charlie Hebdo.

Should Europe Bring Back the Fighters Who Left for ISIS?

This debate about repatriation is another example of how confused the West has become when trying to apply its moral principles. The real victims here are the people who were murdered, injured, raped, tortured or displaced by ISIS. Their children, if still alive, will have to live with the consequences of ISIS terror.

Sur le web, néonazis et djihadistes se retrouvent

Alors que l’Etat islamique perd son territoire, les cyberdjihadistes investissent la toile. Ils se donnent pour mission d’activer et d’encourager les « loups solitaires. » L’Autrichienne Julia Ebner a enquêté sur leurs méthodes et sur d’autres radicalités en ligne.

Lebanon: Eyes on Hezbollah, allies after Hariri resignation

Three scenarios emerge as Prime minister’s departure ushers in period of horse-trading among major political players.

Beirut, Lebanon – With the recent resignation of now-caretaker Prime Minister Saad Hariri amid unprecedented protests, Lebanon is entering a phase of political wrangling in which Hezbollah and its allies will be decisive.

Iran’s IRGC has long kept Khamenei in power

In an Oct. 2 speech to the top commanders of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), Iran’s supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, asked them to be ready for “big events.” In characteristically vague language, Khamenei was issuing a warning to his domestic opponents, President Hassan Rouhani, and the country’s foreign foes. His choice of speaking to the IRGC bosses was anything but coincidental.

The US has a partner in eastern Syria — provided it has the will

The Trump administration inherited a number of complex problems in the Syrian file from its predecessors in the White House. In dealing with the Syrian crisis, the Obama administration had three main priorities: not disturbing Iran in Syria during the process of nuclear negotiations, working with Russia toward a ceasefire in various parts of Syria (without trusting that Russia could deliver or should have the upper hand), and, most importantly, carrying out a limited military intervention in the northeast to defeat ISIS — an issue it considered separately from the Syrian crisis.