Orientul Mijlociu

În Partidul Muncitorilor din Kurdistan sau PKK ( Kurmanji Kurdă : Partiya Karkerên Kurdistanê [a] ) este un kurd militant organizație politică și armate de gherilă de circulație , care a funcționat istoric de-a lungul mai mare Kurdistan , dar acum se bazează în muntoase regiunile kurde , cu majoritate în primul rând sud-estul Turciei și nordul Irakului . Din 1984, PKK a fost implicat în conflictul kurd-turc (cu încetarea focului în 1999–2004 și 2013–2015), utilizând un război asimetric.să caute diverse obiective, inclusiv un stat kurd independent, autonomie și drepturi umane sporite pentru kurzi în Turcia .

Mahsa Amini, or Jina Amini, the name of a Kurdish woman killed by the Iranian morality police on Sept. 16, has echoed across social media in support of the protest movement that is posing the biggest challenge to the clerical rulers in years.

To Iranian law enforcement, Amini was just a nameless member of an ethnic minority that has been oppressed for decades. Little did they know that her death at the hands of one of its units would spark a massive uprising with the potential to topple the regime itself.

“[T]his relationship [between the US and Saudi Arabia] should be based on reciprocity. If Washington is looking for its own interests, as with the Iran nuclear deal or the cancellation of the [Iranian-backed] Houthi group’s designation as a terrorist group, Saudi Arabia also has the right to seek its own interests….” — Rami Al-Khalifa, Syrian author, Elaph, October 12, 2022.

After Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), the jihadi faction that runs the northwestern province of Idlib, moved into Afrin, Turkey stands to gain.

With the world’s attention focused on Ukraine, a potentially transformative development in northern Syria went largely unnoticed. On Oct. 13, Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), the jihadi faction that runs the northwestern province of Idlib and is by far the most powerful of all the Sunni rebel groups in Syria, moved into Afrin, the Kurdish-majority enclave that was occupied by Turkey in 2018. It did so at the expense of rebel factions operating under the umbrella of the Syrian National Army (SNA) and with the help of other factions also allied with the SNA. The latter include the Sultan Suleyman Shah Division, the Hamza Division and Ahrar al-Sham, which all have close ties to Ankara.

The Islamic Republic is experiencing major protests. This deep public anger is not just about the regime’s domestic policies but also resentment against its regional agenda, such as its interventions in the Arab world. Since 1979, the Islamists in Tehran have invested much in supporting Palestinian causes. But how is Iran’s track-record among the Palestinian political groups? Is Iran an enabler or a spoiler of the Palestinian cause? How has Iran so far reacted to the Abraham Accords of 2020 and does it see the idea of coexistence with Israel as a challenge to Iran’s anti-Israel model of “Axis of Resistance”? Finally, can Iran and the Gulf States that have signed the Abraham Accords perhaps find some common ground on how best to support the Palestinians in their aspirations? To discuss these issues, MEI is delighted to host a panel of experts moderated by Alex Vatanka, Senior Fellow and Director of the Iran Program.

Iran’s underground Fuel Enrichment Plant at Natanz has begun enriching uranium with a third cascade of advanced IR-6 centrifuges, the Islamic Republic’s nuclear chief confirmed on Wednesday, according to the official Islamic Republic News Agency.

[T]he Biden administration, even during the Iranian regime’s current brutal crackdown on its own citizens, and the US Special Envoy for Iran, Robert Malley, are still seeking to revive the lethal “nuclear deal” — allowing the regime to enrich uranium to acquire an arsenal of nuclear weapons and the missiles to deliver them — and reassuring the mullahs that the US has no “policy of regime change.”