The Russian paramilitary group Wagner has left Mali, and its units there have been taken over by the Moscow-run Africa Corps, diplomatic and security sources told AFP on Sunday.
“Officially, Wagner is no longer present in Mali. But the Africa Corps is stepping up,” one diplomatic source in the Sahel region said.
Rappelons les faits : entre 1956 et 1962, en Algérie, la France a expérimenté, autorisé puis utilisé des armes chimiques pour capturer ou tuer les soldats de l’Armée de libération nationale (ALN) abrités dans des grottes, des casemates ou des silos à grains. Elle a aussi, systématiquement, traité par ces moyens chimiques les grottes trop vastes pour être détruites afin d’empêcher leur réutilisation. Plus de soixante ans plus tard, certaines de ces cachettes restent extrêmement dangereuses pour qui s’y aventurerait.
In Libya, a new conflict is flaring up: Companions of the head of the Libyan National Army (LNA) Khalifa Haftar, who recently met with Vladimir Putin in Moscow, tried on May 28 to take control of oil production. This internal conflict entails a clash of interests of larger players. After the fall of the Syrian regime, Bashar al-Assad, Libya becomes a key country for the Kremlin in the struggle for the preservation of a military presence in the Mediterranean and Africa, but Turkey was on the way to Russia. During the first years of the civil war, the Turkish authorities supported the “pro-Western” Government of National Accord in Tripoli, while the Haftar, which took the east of the country relied more on the help of Egypt, the UAE and Russia. However, in the spring of 2025, there was an unexpected разворотturn: Turkey began to actively establish direct contacts with the LNA, the traditional ally of the Kremlin. Now Russia, having connected Belarus, is trying to counteract this. Putin personally receives Haftar in Moscow, because now Libya has become a key point for Russian projects in the Sahel belt in Africa. But Turkish arguments in the form of investments and weapons may be much more profitable for Haftar than ephemeral advantages from cooperation with Russia.
The Wagner Group is a recent iteration of Russia’s historical use of proxy forces abroad. In 2013, the Syrian government contracted Slavonic Corps, a front organization and sub-contractor for the Russian private security company Moran Security Group to secure selected oilfields in eastern Syria. Although its first and only mission was considered both a test and a failure, the concept of Slavonic Corps gave rise to the Wagner Group, which emerged soon after. The leadership of Wagner Group included Yevgeny Prigozhin and Dimitry Utkin; Prigozhin was a successful convict-turned-businessman with close ties to President Putin while Utkin was a former member of the Russian Main Intelligence Directorate (GRU) and commander of a Spetsnaz unit. The unique and timely characteristics of these leaders, as well as Wagner’s direct ties to the Russian state, were key to the organization’s success. Operating mostly in the grey zone, the Wagner Group fulfilled Russian strategic objectives and sought to secure funding by both licit and illicit means. Russian offerings to state leaders via Wagner Group ranged from single issue solutions to “regime survival packages” in exchange for resource extraction, business enterprise contracts, and other forms of payment.
Mouvements majeurs et manœuvres massives sur l’échiquier géopolitique mondial manipulés discrètement par LA TRIADE
Ne vous y trompez pas, la plupart des plus grandes nations de la Terre NE VEULENT PAS d’une troisième guerre mondiale. La Russie, la Chine, l’Inde, l’Iran, l’Arabie saoudite, le Mexique, le Brésil, l’Argentine, l’Afrique du Sud et de nombreux autres pays sensés ne veulent pas prendre part à une guerre mondiale ouverte. En réalité, ces gouvernements pacifistes ont travaillé d’arrache-pied pour empêcher une troisième guerre mondiale depuis le 11 septembre, souvent au détriment de leurs intérêts nationaux et en particulier de leurs citoyens respectifs.
Les dernières semaines ont été particulièrement meurtrières, avec plusieurs centaines de soldats tués dans diverses attaques au Mali, au Burkina Faso et au Niger.
Raids sanglants au Mali, incursions dans de grandes villes au Burkina Faso, lourdes pertes militaires au Niger : les djihadistes ont intensifié leurs offensives contre les armées au Sahel. Les dernières semaines ont été particulièrement meurtrières, avec plusieurs centaines de soldats tués dans diverses attaques revendiquées, au Mali et au Burkina Faso par le Groupe de soutien de l’islam et des musulmans (GSIM), affilié à Al-Qaida, et au Niger par l’Etat islamique au Sahel (EIS). Les juntes des trois pays, qui avaient promis lors de leurs putschs de faire du retour de la sécurité une priorité, peinent à endiguer la progression des djihadistes, qui menacent plus que jamais le nord de certains pays côtiers du golfe de Guinée.
More than half of sub-Saharan Africa’s population lives in fragile and conflict-affected states (FCS)—economies that face profound challenges such as stagnant economic growth, weak institutions, inadequate public services, extreme poverty, war, and forced internal displacement.
“Either you get rid of your weapons of mass destruction or [the US] will personally destroy them and destroy everything with no discussion.”
Strong words from the US president, directing a clear message to a strategic threat in the Middle East that the advancement of its nuclear program would evoke severe repercussions.
As Sudan plunges into another chapter of fighting, the country is enduring the world’s worst humanitarian crisis at a time of drastically shrinking foreign aid.
Two years of war between the Sudanese army and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) have created a humanitarian disaster. The country is coping with mass displacement, famine, and war crimes against its civilians while its most crucial aid source—the United States—sharply pulls back on assistance. Sudan’s third year of war could be shaping up to be one of its most brutal.