Mohamed Lahouaiej-Bouhlel et Jamel Gorchane étaient-ils des amis d’enfance ? Cette hypothèse mettrait clairement à mal l’idée selon laquelle le terroriste de Rambouillet serait un « loup solitaire ». Et c’est précisément ce qu’affirme le journaliste et écrivain Nicolas Beau, ancien de Marianne, du Monde et du Canard Enchaîné, dans un article paru sur son média d’infos de l’Afrique francophone, Mondafrique.
An unresolved war in the north of the country; ethnic based violence some are describing as genocide in the West; random explosions of aggression in various regions: Ethiopia is trembling.
With around 117 million people, Ethiopia has the second largest population in Africa, made up of 80 or so tribal groups, all with their own cultures, language or dialect. Three big ones dominate: The Oromo (35% of population), Amhara (27%) and Tigrayan (6%). Historic disputes over land and power exist between these powerful groups; grievances which are being aggravated by pernicious elements attempting to destabilize the country.
Despite the negotiation of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW), we are confronted by the increasing dangers of great power war, even nuclear war.
Instead of making necessary investments to ensure public health, reverse climate change and ensure the security of their peoples, trillions of dollars are being wasted to construct new nuclear weapons and their delivery systems, including new hypersonic delivery systems.
Four people, including three Europeans and a Burkinabe, were missing after an anti-poaching patrol was attacked in eastern Burkina Faso on Monday, security and local sources said.
The group — composed of soldiers, forest rangers and foreign reporters — was targeted in the Fada N’Gourma-Pama area, according to a local official, who added “the provisional toll reports three people injured, four missing”.
Libya’s interim prime minister called off his visit Monday to the country’s east after a government advance security team was turned back from the airport in the eastern city of Benghazi, officials said.
Prime Minister Abdul Hamid Dbeibah and his Cabinet were to hold a meeting in Benghazi, the main stronghold of Libya’s east-based forces loyal to military commander Khalifa Hifter.
DR Congo’s new prime minister on Monday said he would not rule out a “state of emergency” in the country’s east, where the armed forces are struggling with militia groups.
“No option will be excluded,” Prime Minister Jean-Michel Sama Lukonde said in his inaugural speech to the National Assembly, referring to violence gripping three eastern provinces, North and South Kivu and Ituri.
Somalia’s prime minister denounced a proposed extension of the president’s term on Tuesday, piling pressure on President Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed to hold elections as rival factions in the security forces drew up battle lines in the capital.
The heads of two regional states who had been staunch allies of the president also rejected the proposed two-year extension of Mohamed’s term.
Earlier this month, the lower house of parliament voted to extend his four-year term by another two years, after the country failed to hold elections as planned in February. The Senate rejected the move, provoking the crisis.
“We call for an urgent election. Any form of extension should be cancelled,” the presidents of the Hirshabelle and Galmudug regions said in a joint statement on Facebook.
Prime Minister Mohamed Hussein Roble then issued his own statement, calling for preparations for a new presidential election.
“I welcome the statement issued by Galmudug and Hirshabelle states,” he said on Twitter.
Mohamed’s attempt to extend his term has angered foreign donors who backed his government, hoping it would help bring stability and quash the al Qaeda-linked al Shabaab insurgency. But the proposed extension has pitted factions in the security forces against each other.
Opposition forces have abandoned positions in the countryside as they headed for a showdown in the capital, allowing al Shabaab to take over at least one town.
The U.S. Embassy in Mogadishu tweeted support for the premier and the two state presidents after they issued their statement.
CLASHES AND CLANS
Forces loyal to the opposition hold important parts of the city and clashed with government forces over the weekend, fuelling worries the country could return to all-out war.
The unrest is the second bout of violence in Mogadishu over an extension to Mohamed’s term. Continued clashes could further splinter Somali security forces along ethnic lines, said the International Crisis Group, a think-tank.
“Somalia is teetering on the brink of a major breakdown once again,” it said in a briefing published on Tuesday.
Mohamed is Darod, one of Somalia’s major clans. The majority of the Somali military in the capital are Hawiye, another large clan. Most of the opposition leaders are Hawiye.
Earlier on Tuesday, Turkish-trained Haramcad (“Cheetah”) police forces raided independent Mustaqbal Radio station, owned by a Hawiye businessman, and confiscated equipment.
Somalia’s fledgling armed forces are drawn from clan militias who have often battled each other for power and resources.
Internal Security Minister Hassan Hundubey told a news conference that government forces had been restrained to avoid harming civilians and said, without providing evidence, that “thieves” were breaking into houses and killing people.
The African Union peacekeeping mission in Somalia, the United Nations mission there, and a dozen other mainly African and Western nations condemned the outbreak of violence and urged restraint.
“We are alarmed especially by the emerging fragmentation of the Somali National Army (SNA) along clan lines…,” a joint statement said.
‘ANTICIPATED BATTLE’
On Tuesday morning, residents fled some Mogadishu neighbourhoods, fearing violence.
“More well-armed pro-opposition troops have settled in this area of Siigaale, they told us to move,” said Abdullahi Mohamed, a local elder. Siigale is near a road that leads to the presidential palace.
Kaaha Ahmed, a mother of five, said she fled Hodan district after pro-government forces arrived: “We did not want to be caught up in the anticipated battle.”
By Tuesday afternoon, government forces had sealed off the presidential palace with concrete barricades, a resident told Reuters.
Neither information ministry spokesman Ismail Mukhtar Omar nor police spokesman Sadik Ali answered calls or texts seeking comment.
Overnight, Reuters journalists saw large numbers of government troops deployed in strategic locations, including near the house of opposition presidential candidate Abdirahman Abdishakur, where clashes took place on Sunday, and in the Gashandhiga area, which is where the military is headquartered.
U.N. experts are warning that political, military and ethnic divisions in South Sudan are widening, leading to multiple violent incidents between the main signatories to last year’s cease-fire, the possibility of renewed war, and nearly 100,000 people facing “famine-like conditions.”
The experts said in an 81-page report circulated Monday that the slow pace of reforms by President Salva Kiir’s government and more than a year of political disputes and disagreements over how to implement the February 2020 cease-fire and a 2018 peace agreement has led to frayed relations between Kiir and First Vice President Riek Machar.
After months of deadlocked talks over elections, the streets of Mogadishu on 25 April witnessed heavy fighting between rival army units. In this Q&A, Crisis Group expert Omar Mahmood examines the factors that triggered the latest violence – and explores ways to calm the waters.
What has happened?
Clashes broke out on 25 April between forces loyal to Somalia President Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed “Farmajo” and those aligned with the political opposition as Somalia’s deepening electoral crisis descended even further into violence. Rival forces exchanged gunfire in neighbourhoods of Mogadishu, including those in which opposition political leaders reside. Local sources indicate that the clashes resulted in approximately two dozen casualties and displaced hundreds of civilians. The fighting subsided by Sunday evening and Mogadishu was quiet the next morning, with most residents staying at home. The situation remains tense, however, as heavily armed rival security units are still deployed in parts of the city, an ominous reminder to all who come across them that fighting could resume at any moment.
The violence comes on the back of the Somali elite’s repeated failure to agree on how to hold an election, with the temperature continuing to rise after President Farmajo ran over his term limit and stayed in office after 8 February. Tensions escalated further this month when parliament on 12 April extended the current government’s term by two years, infuriating the opposition who say that Farmajo’s continued occupation of the presidential palace is unconstitutional.
The immediate trigger for this week’s fighting was the influx into Mogadishu of Somali National Army (SNA) units loyal to opposition politicians. The troops, originally based in Hirshabelle in south-central Somalia, were led in by a commander who shared a clan constituency with former presidents and current opposition leaders Hassan Sheikh Mohamud and Sheikh Sharif Ahmed. On arrival, those forces took up positions in areas of north east Mogadishu. Federal government troops tried to retake these positions, resulting in heavy exchanges of gunfire. Amid the chaos, Hassan Sheikh Mohamud said federal forces attacked his residence.
Elsewhere in Mogadishu, government-aligned forces advanced into a neighbourhood dominated by the Haber Gedir sub-clan of the Hawiye, resulting in additional clashes with opposition forces, including those loyal to the dismissed chief of Banadir’s police, Sadiq “John” Omar, who has emerged as a vocal opponent of Farmajo’s attempts to stay in power. Government forces retreated by the end of Sunday to positions closer to the government complex, known as Villa Somalia, leaving the opposition units in control of sections of the capital.
What has the reaction been?
The mood is still very tense. While the federal government initially stated on Sunday that it had successfully repelled “militia attacks”, Prime Minister Mohamed Hussein Roble followed this with a short statement, noting that the government is open to dialogue. But he also encouraged the army to maintain public order, seemingly signalling support for the government incursions into opposition areas of the capital. Somalia’s international partners, such as the UK, U.S., European Union (EU), Intergovernmental Authority on Development and UN, condemned the fighting and called for a return to dialogue. The Council of Presidential Candidates (CPC), an alliance of opposition figures, also condemned the violence, saying forces loyal to the incumbent were intent on resolving the crisis through violence. CPC member Hassan Sheikh Mohamud went further, characterising the events as an assassination attempt against him and opposition figure Abdirahman Abdishakur Warsame.
” Any further offensive from the government is likely to spark another round of heavy fighting. “
Roble then met with civil society groups on Monday and called for an immediate ceasefire, but thus far the parties have not agreed on a concrete cessation of hostilities and both sides are weighing their next move. Any further offensive from the government is likely to spark another round of heavy fighting. Opposition forces may also look to take control of key economic sectors like the airport or Mogadishu port in any resumed fighting, so as to gain an upper hand. Rival forces might also decide they need to battle for control of major thoroughfares including the Maka al-Mukarama road that leads to Villa Somalia.
Why has this occurred now?
This is the second major outbreak of violence in Somalia’s capital since the onset of a political crisis over its stalled elections and the constitutional expiration of President Farmajo’s mandate. The first incident on 19 February involved government forces firing on opposition demonstrators demanding a swift election. The violence ratcheted up tensions and put the country on edge. Then, after further discussions around the elections broke down, came the 12 April decision by the lower house of parliament extending the current government’s tenure by two years. That deepened distrust between the opposing sides and raised the political temperature to boiling point. While the opposition called for more talks, the lack of progress and diminishing prospects for a resolution of the crisis have since prompted political and security actors to gear up for armed confrontation.
” The biggest risk is that continued clashes further fracture the Somali security sector along clan lines. “
The biggest risk is that continued clashes further fracture the Somali security sector along clan lines. The 25 April fighting demonstrated how that sector’s cohesion has mostly broken down in the heated political environment. The areas where the latest fighting took place are neighbourhoods where pro-opposition Abgaal, Haber Gedir and Murosade sub-clans of the Hawiye are dominant. A major meeting of Hawiye representatives last week also formally rejected the parliament extension, signalling a degree of unity within the clan that dominates the capital.
At the same time, the Farmajo administration is facing difficulties paying Somali security forces. Finance Minister Abdirahman Duale Beileh revealed on 25 April that international assistance to the government has dried up, meaning it will struggle to continue funding security personnel. One Somali military officer complained to Crisis Group that presidential guard units were paid last week, but soldiers on the front lines in the battle against Al-Shabaab were not, creating further disarray in the ranks of the security services.
How can a spiralling crisis be averted?
The clashes have narrowed the window to get Somalia’s electoral cycle back on track. They also widen the gaping trust deficit between the opposition and government, if not shattering it completely, further reinforcing the need for external intervention to calm the waters as Crisis Group has advocated over the last few months.
Any mediation effort should first focus on getting the rival actors to agree to avoid further fighting. Persuading the opposition to agree to talks in the first place will be tough. The lack of trust between the parties means that neither will readily disarm or remove their forces from Mogadishu in the immediate term. The opposition will also not accept the idea that Farmajo should be treated as a legitimate incumbent, and will argue that he should be considered as just another party to the conflict. The African Union (AU), which has signalled that it will name a Somalia envoy to mediate efforts over the stalled election cycle, should move forward on this with speed, and get efforts to bridge the chasm between Farmajo and the opposition started as quickly as possible.
The AU mediator, strongly supported by the UN, U.S., EU, UK and other partners, should focus on initiating a ceasefire. Under such an arrangement, duelling forces would agree to avoid further offensives while pulling back from contested areas in which they are in close proximity, to reduce the potential for accidental confrontations sparking a wider conflagration. The African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) could help fill any security gaps and provide a buffer between the various factions, though the opposition has already questioned its neutrality, claiming it has lent support to Farmajo. AMISOM, through the AU special representative to Somalia, should make clear that it will play a supporting role to any AU-led mediation effort and will not take sides, to help assuage the opposition’s concerns.
Only when the waters are calmed can any concrete discussions about the electoral standoff proceed. However, resolving the electoral crisis and implementing the 17 September electoral framework agreement, which prescribed the terms of an indirect vote, will require healing and political reconciliation among Somali elites. Ideally, the process of organising the election would also now be opened beyond the original signatories of the electoral agreement, to include the wider political opposition and civil society groups. Allowing representatives from these groups to participate in future discussions on elections could assist in creating a more inclusive environment, and move the process beyond the views of just a narrow section of the Somali political elite.
” International actors must signal a willingness to punish spoilers, including through targeted sanctions. “
In the meantime, international actors must signal a willingness to punish spoilers, including through targeted sanctions. This might break a cycle where some of the political actors have calculated that outside powers will not go beyond public statements calling for an end to the crisis. Unity amongst Somalia’s external partners is paramount at this critical juncture, and external actors who pursue narrow bilateral interests by backing certain factions within Somalia further risk tipping the balance toward implosion. The U.S., possibly through its newly appointed special envoy to the Horn, should lean on all outside powers to press for de-escalation.
Somalia is teetering on the brink of a major breakdown once again. The latest fighting highlighted how the worst political crisis in years could easily spiral further downward. If left unresolved, it has the potential to return the country to civil conflict, undoing fragile gains made over the past decade and a half.
L’ONG dénonce des procès militaires « secrets et manifestement inéquitables », visant à « punir les opposants ».
Au moins vingt-deux personnes ont été condamnées à mort depuis 2018 par des tribunaux militaires et des centaines d’autres ont été emprisonnées après des « simulacres de procès » dans l’est de la Libye, a indiqué lundi 26 avril Amnesty International.