Convivencia: Spanish noun, from convivir, to live with the other, used by historians in the 20th century to describe inter-religious coexistence in al-Andalus, between the 8th and 15th centuries. The roots of this word, and of its Occitan twin Convivéncia, lie in an ancient Pyrenean matrimonial alliance. (1) In the 8th century, Llívia, a small Pyrenean town in Cerdagne, welcomed an Amazigh/Berber-Occitan couple. He was killed, she was exiled, the marriage ended badly. But this union, later magnified by the romantics, continues to nourish the concept of Convivencia, a concept with strong political potential. A story of halted territorial expansion, a pact between dissidents, an “unnatural” marriage and, ultimately, the re-establishment of the warrior order.
Convivencia is part of the history of the Occitan Mediterranean region, which saw the peaceful cohabitation of Sephardic Jews from Spain, Muslims (Arabo-Andalusians) occupying Septimania (today’s Languedoc Roussillon) and Provence, and the Visigoths building Toulouse (Tolosa). This small world traded skilfully, Narbonne shone as brightly as Byzantium, and marriages between communities strengthened alliances. (2)
Occitanie is a land of historic welcome. It has integrated and helped many peoples, tolerated or assimilated many different origins. A singular state of mind that took as its model, in the 8th-10th centuries, Arab-Berber Andalusia, also known as al-Andalus.
From the 12th century onwards, Occitan society, known as the “troubadour society”, in turn produced civilizational concepts of equity. The term “Paratge“, expressing the (relative) principle of equality between the sexes and social classes, appeared. For the first time, it was not aristocratic lineage that prevailed, nor force or violence, but culture.
This spirit, which permeated the whole of society, including some of the working classes, was unfortunately called into question when the Crusade against the Albigensians (1209-1229) began. Its late rediscovery only came in the 20th century. The Surrealist poets of the inter-war years, along with a number of leading figures in the French intelligentsia, such as Simone Weil, sang its praises. In her Cahiers , (3) for example, the philosopher compared the Chanson de la Croisade contre les Albigeois to Homer’s Iliad.
Convivencia (4) refers to the period of Spanish history from the Muslim conquest of Spain in the early 8th century until the expulsion of the Jews in 1492. This era is characterized by the relatively peaceful coexistence of Muslims, Christians, and Jews in the Iberian Peninsula.
Here are some key points about this period:
Cultural Exchange: The Convivencia led to significant cultural, scientific, and intellectual exchange among the three religious communities. This included advancements in fields such as medicine, astronomy, philosophy, and literature.
Economic Collaboration: Muslims, Christians, and Jews often worked together in trade, commerce, and craftsmanship. Cities like Córdoba, Toledo, and Granada became thriving centers of economic activity.
Religious Tolerance: Although there were instances of conflict and tension, there were also periods of religious tolerance. Non-Muslims (dhimmîs) (5) in Muslim-ruled territories were allowed to practice their religion and maintain their own legal systems in exchange for paying a tax (jizyah). (6)
Architectural Achievements: The era saw the construction of many iconic buildings, such as the Great Mosque of Córdoba, the Alhambra in Granada, and the synagogue of El Transito in Toledo, which reflect the diverse cultural influences of the time.
Decline of Convivencia: The Convivencia began to decline with the Reconquista, the Christian reconquest of Spain, which culminated in the fall of Granada in 1492. The establishment of the Spanish Inquisition and the subsequent expulsion of Jews and Muslims marked the end of this period of relative coexistence.The legacy of the Convivencia continues to be a subject of historical study and debate, highlighting both the potential for intercultural harmony and the challenges of religious and cultural integration. (7)
Raquel Sanz Barrio writes on the concept of conviviality between three religions and cultures in Spain: (8)
“In the Middle Ages, the Iberian Peninsula witnessed the simultaneous presence of three religions, in other words, three cultures. These religions, all originating from the eastern Mediterranean basin, had many features in common. The Muslims, who expanded their territory spectacularly across the whole of North Africa, reached Iberia in the middle of the 8th century. In just a few years, they had dominated most of the peninsula. The Jews, for their part, had already been present since Roman times, and the persecution they suffered in the last decades of the Visigothic monarchy drove them to side with the Muslims. Jewish communities flourished in al-Andalus until at least the end of the 10th century. Christian Spain also welcomed Jews with open arms, as demonstrated by the reign of the Castilian-Aragonese monarch Alfonso VI, to whom we owe the famous Carta inter Christianos et Judeos, dated 1090, almost contemporaneous with the first great wave of anti-Judaism in Europe following the call for the Crusade. Each of the three great religions attributed a specific name to Iberian soil. Christians called it “Hispania”, Muslims “al-Andalus” and Jews “Sefarad”.”
Introducing Convivencia?
Al-Andalus, Spain under Muslim rule, brought together Muslim conquerors, Hispanic Christians and a Jewish community present since antiquity. Christians and Jews had a dhimmî status, but the Umayyad period (756-1031) is said to have been a “golden age” of harmonious cohabitation that encouraged the Muslim, Christian and Jewish communities to flourish: Convivencia. (9)
Convivencia, a Spanish term meaning “coexistence,” refers to a historical period in the Iberian Peninsula, primarily in al-Andalus (Islamic Spain), from the 8th to the 15th centuries. This era was characterized by the coexistence of different religious and cultural groups, including Muslims, Christians, and Jews. This coexistence fostered significant cultural exchange and intellectual advancement. However, it’s important to remember that this “coexistence” wasn’t always peaceful and harmonious, as tensions and conflicts did exist. (10)
Convivencia (11) (Spanish, from convivir, “to live together”) is a concept that was used by historians of Spain in the 20th century, but was much debated as anachronistic, then abandoned by most in the 21st century, to evoke a period in the medieval history of the Iberian Peninsula (and al-Andalus in particular) during which Muslims, Jews and Christians coexisted in a state of relative confessional peace and religious tolerance, and during which cultural exchanges were numerous. (12)
This concept was first put forward by Américo Castro (13) to describe relations between Christians, Jews and Muslims in the peninsula during the historic Hispanic period, from the Umayyad conquest of Hispania in 711 to the expulsion of the Jews from Spain in the crucial year 1492 after the end of the Reconquista. (14) Castro presents this period as one of “stabilized pluralism“, in which exchanges and dialogues enriched groups of different obedience, with essentially peaceful relations, and asserts that it is this conjunction that favors the cultural development of the peninsula. (15)
In his book Spain in its history: Christians, Moors and Jews (1948) (España en su historia: cristianos, moros y judíos (1948)), Américo Castro characterized the relations of the three groups during the Middle Ages as “a good coexistence“. According to the famous historian, the 3 cultures coexisted harmoniously, while at the same time a process of acculturation and integration of the minorities took place. (16) Américo Castro’s book drew attention to the plural nature of Spanish identity and to the contributions of Arabs and Jews in the creation of peninsular culture. (17) More recently, other historians have argued that relations between the three groups were not as idyllic as Castro presented them and that along with periods of concord, there were also moments of great social conflict. (18)
Because the interaction of these 3 groups developed over 8 centuries and in very different circumstances–moments of splendor of the Arab civilization and precariousness of the Christians and vice versa; social prestige of the Jews and occasions of anti-Semitism, etc–it is very difficult to affirm or totally deny the “culture of tolerance.” What does seem to be unanimously accepted is that in art, literature, music, etc., the relations between the 3 civilizations were very fruitful and gave rise to unique creations. An important example is Mudejar art, (19) which applies elements and techniques from Islamic art to Christian and Jewish buildings, such as churches and synagogues.
Kenneth Baxter Wolf introduces Convivencia in the following terms: (20)
“Convivencia refers to the ‘coexistence’ of Christian, Muslim, and Jewish communities in medieval Spain and by extension the cultural interaction and exchange fostered by such proximity. The term first appeared as part of a controversial thesis about Spanish historical identity advanced by Américo Castro in 1948. Since then interest in the idea of convivencia has spread, fueled in part by increased attention to multi-culturalism and rising concern about religiously framed acts of violence. The application of social scientific models has gone a long way toward clarifying the mechanisms of acculturation at work in medieval Spain and tempering the tendency to romanticize convivencia.”
Following in the footsteps of Spanish historian Américo Castro, the concept of Convivencia will continue to spread in Spain, Catalonia and Occitania. Intellectuals and associative cultural leaders have been busy refining, reinterpreting and adapting it, to the point of proposing it as the basis for a new social refoundation. In its 1992 Diccionario de la lengua española, the Real Academia española gave a minimal definition of Convivencia, namely “accion de vivir en compañia de otro u otros, cohabitar“. In its Diccionario del uso del español of the same year, Maria Moliner specifies “hecho de vivir en buena armonia buena armonia unas personas con otras” (living in harmony with one another). (21)
In 2011, the Fondacion Occitània will provide decisive elements: “un biais de viure amassa dins lo respièch de l’alteritat -en se e fòra seen tota egalitat“, or “an art of living together with respect for otherness -in and beyond – in complete equality”.
First realized, more or less harmoniously, within the framework of the 10th century Caliphate, Convivencia was taken up by the Muslim kingdoms of the 12th and 13th centuries, in Toledo and Saragossa. The Troubadours civilization, closely linked to the Convivencia drew its inspiration from these kingdoms and gave it the name Paratge.
Among the many concepts developed by the Troubadours (Fin’amor, Prètz, Jòi, Mezura, Cortesia, eca…), Paratge is one of the most encompassing. Repeated some fifty times in the Cançò (13th century), it bears witness of an entire civilization where nobility of heart and mind prevails over that of lineage. The terror of the Crusades and the Inquisition would soon put an end to this humanist experiment. In the 20th and 21st centuries, researchers, writers and cultural organizers revisited the concept, and Paratge became the medieval basis for contemporary Occitan Convivencia.
Paratge, writes Fernand Niel, means: (22)
“honor, righteousness, equality, denial of the right of the strongest, respect for the human person, for oneself and for others. The paratge applies to all domains, political, religious and sentimental. It is not to a nation or a social category, but to all men, whatever their condition or ideas”.
Religious cohabitation
But while religious cohabitation was the norm on the medieval Iberian Peninsula, the concept of Convivencia, in its academic sense, was highly controversial. Academic debates revolve around the verification of the points made, the historiographical relevance of the concept as a historical tool, and its profound nature. Nevertheless, the research associated with it is advancing our understanding of the relationships between the groups that made up medieval Spain, their dynamics, and the consequences of their interactions. These studies make al-Andalus one of the best-known medieval Islamic societies, both in written and archaeological terms. (23)
These studies highlight the great variability of regimes and situations over time, the great dynamism of populations and regular mass conversions. Societies were organized by the juxtaposition of often rival, autonomous and unequal religious communities. Friction, tension and suspicion abound, exacerbated by conversions and fears of religious hybridization and miscegenation. Although cohabitation is not peaceful, there is no policy of persecution. (24) Convivencia between Christians, Jews and Muslims, precarious at best, is thus seen as an “uncomfortable necessity ” that goes hand in hand with the absence of declared legal principles, the consequences of which are harmful. (25)
One of the reasons why historians have abandoned the concept of Convivencia is its proximity to contemporary notions among 21st-century audiences, leading to confusion and misunderstanding. (26) In French, for example, the term Convivencia has a strong but misleading etymological link with the positively inclusive political concept of “vivre-ensemble”. Yet the very notions of tolerance and “integration” were foreign to medieval thought. They were seen as a risk of weakening one’s own faith, of syncretism or even schism. The systems put in place served to delimit social categories, not to help them evolve. Communities live side by side, and firmly – and sometimes violently – combat any attempt at integration: marriage between members of different faiths is impossible, and sexual relations are punishable by death. (27)
Moreover, by focusing on religions, the concept of Convivencia tends to overshadow other key elements structuring these medieval societies and their evolution: language, culture, ethnicity, gender, social status, age, et. (28)
This cohabitation, however, induces new cultural forms at all levels of society and profoundly marks the history of Spain through the important periods during which it endures. The Arabic language was a major vector for the transmission and enrichment of knowledge in the West, thanks to translations into Latin and Romance languages which led to the majestic scientific deployment of the Renaissance, and, even earlier, to the so-called medieval renaissance of the 11th century. (29)
Alongside academic debate, however, contemporary myths with political implications have developed on this historical substrate, much criticized for their lack of objectivity and rigor. (30)
On the concept of the religious conviviality in al-Andalus David Bensoussan writes: (31)
”Al-Andalus, or Muslim Spain, became the paradigm of a unique conviviality between different religious communities, enabling an extraordinary flowering of literary, philosophical, scientific and legislative productions. It has remained as such in the memory of the Moors and Jews expelled by the advance of the Reconquest, and in the collective memory of the Islamic world from the Maghreb to India. It is still seen today as a model of cohabitation that is not only possible, but also desirable in our troubled times, when intercultural dialogue is advocated as a universal remedy, a fundamental tool for promoting mutual understanding, reconciliation and tolerance. The Roger Garaudy Foundation, based in Cordoba, and the Spirit of Cordova ecumenical movement are all inspired by his spirit.”
The Caliphate of Cordoba and the notion of conviviality (929-1031)
Situated in the West, in the province of al-Andalus, which it controlled entirely, the Caliphate of Cordoba was one of the most brilliant kingdoms of the Middle Ages: despite its short existence – scarcely more than a century – it succeeded in establishing itself as a major economic and cultural center, the bearer of an original civilization marked by the meeting of the Muslim East and the Christian West, and the crucible of an Arab thought that would enjoy a long posterity. Proclaimed in 929 by ‘Abd al-Rahmân III, a direct descendant of the Umayyads of Damascus who ruled the Muslim East until their defeat by the Abbasids in 750, it succeeded an emirate established in 756, barely forty years after the Arab conquest of the Iberian Peninsula. (32)
Independent in every respect, the Caliphate of Cordoba was both a political and religious entity in its own right and, by its very existence, a radical challenge to the Abbasid Empire: with the establishment of the Caliphate, the Umayyads of the West launched a veritable attack on the Baghdad dynasty, already weakened by major internal dissensions. Last but not least, the Umayyad caliphate was the crucible of medieval Arabic thought, which was to enjoy a long posterity, both for its reflection on the Muslim religion and for its rediscovery of Greek philosophy: between Cordoba and Baghdad, between these two rival caliphates both intellectually bubbling, reciprocal influences were thus established, contributing to the formation of an Islamic culture in the broadest sense.
Finally, from the 9th century onwards – even before the establishment of the caliphate – Cordoba became a veritable cultural metropolis. Famous as far away as Central Asia for its brilliant intellectual milieu, it also enjoyed a reputation for hospitality that attracted many Eastern scholars and artists, encouraged by the tradition of patronage of the Cordovan emirs: the Iraqi musician Ziryab settled here during the reign of ‘Abd al-Rahmân II. Especially under al-Hakam II (961-976), literati, jurists, poets and intellectuals of all kinds from Iraq, Syria, North Africa and Egypt flocked to al-Andalus, where they were rapidly integrated into local society. On the one hand, this immigration demonstrated Cordoba’s brilliance in the 9th-10th centuries – which would continue even after the fall of the Umayyads – and, on the other, further encouraged cultural exchanges: the Andalusian aristocracy, under the influence of the new arrivals, adopted a lifestyle closer to that of the Baghdad court.
As a rival to the Abbasids and an enemy of the Fatimids, the Caliphate of Cordoba occupied a special place in the medieval Muslim world, and was above all the meeting place of East and West, as they were defined at the time. Small in size, it did not succeed – or even try – in eclipsing the immense Abbasid Empire, to which the Fatimids would deal a far greater blow. Nevertheless, its brilliant civilization was admired throughout the known world, as far away as Asia: culturally speaking, the mutual relations and influences between Cordoba and Baghdad were not only abundant, but extremely fertile, forming part of the vast model of a rich and diversified Islamic civilization.
On the subject of coexistence, Christine Mazzoli-Guintard wrote: (33)
“The coexistence of three cultures in the medieval Iberian Peninsula has long been the subject of debate, sometimes heated, always fruitful, as it leads to constantly renewed questioning. In the case of al-Andalus, the concept of harmonious interbreeding placed under the sign of tolerance was first replaced by that of living together, Convivencia, with diverse economic, social and artistic aspects, itself finally discarded in favor of the idea of coexistence between Jews, Christians and Muslims, summed up in the phrase “dos vecinos peleados coexislen, pero no conviven”. Traditionally, historiography contrasts the peaceful coexistence of the Umayyads in the 10th century with the rigorous coexistence of the Almohads, which, from the middle of the 11th century onwards, put an end, put an end to coexistence between the three cultures. Coexistence is also nuanced according to the social group in question: peaceful coexistence between the majority of people can go hand in hand with an avoidant coexistence thought out and desired by the law, as recent work on legal sources has highlighted. These are the many aspects of the coexistence of the three cultures that are examined here, through the three successive capitals of al-Andalus: Cordoba, Seville and Granada, as they allow us to examine the places where links are forged between individuals, from the myth of compartmentalized neighborhoods to the everyday realities of their mixed nature.”
The Spirit of Cordoba
Al-Andalus is the term used to designate all the territories of the Iberian Peninsula and parts of southern France that were, at one time or another, under Muslim rule between 711 (first landing) and 1492 (fall of Granada). (34)
Although a land of Islam dâr al-Islâm, the civilization of al-Andalus was cosmopolitan, made up of diverse populations with multiple origins and beliefs. Arabs, Berbers and muladi (35) (or European Muslims, including Slavs or Saqalibas) were in the majority, but Jews and Christians also lived there.
It was a time when the three monotheistic religions met in peace for a fairly long time, allowing everyone – Muslims, Jews and Christians – to experience a general flourishing that extended to all areas of life and culture. In this way, it became possible to live together in a country where everyone found their place, bringing their own wealth and contributions. Some scholars refer to this flourishing period as the “Spirit of Cordoba“. (36)
The Spirit of Cordoba represents a historical and intellectual movement rooted in the city’s rich cultural and scientific legacy, particularly during its time as a center of knowledge and innovation in Europe. This spirit symbolizes human excellence and ingenuity, and while much of the focus is on Cordoba, its influence also extended to other Spanish cities like Granada and Toledo.
Most academics agree that the Iberian Peninsula, under Muslim rule, experienced a veritable cultural apogee during the period of the Cordoba caliphate, a remarkable balance between its political and military power and the brilliance of its civilization: from the end of the 10th century, Spain welcomed the sciences and philosophy developed in the Islamic world by Muslim and Jewish scholars.
Cordoba, 11th century: a landmark and a shining moment in the cultural history of mankind, where four centuries of al-Andalus civilization culminated. It is estimated that the first Jews arrived in Spain around 70 CE, after the destruction of the Second Temple in Jerusalem. They welcomed the Arab conquerors at the beginning of the 8th century.
Over the next three centuries, and until the fall of the Taïfas in 1086 (a group of independent emirates formed after the dissolution of the Caliphate of Cordoba in 1031), the Jews of the Iberian Peninsula reached such a high economic and social position, and Sephardic culture such a level, that this period is unanimously considered the golden age of Judaism worldwide.
Between the 11th and 14th centuries, Cordoba was an example of peaceful coexistence between the three great religions of the time: Jewish, Christian and Muslim. Cordoba, capital of the Umayyad caliphate, was the greatest economic and cultural center of the West, and attracted the patronage of poets and philosophers, men of letters and scientists of all persuasions.
Among them were Maimonides and Averroes, Jewish and Muslim thinkers, doctors, theologians and philosophers of the 12th century. But the arrival of the Almoravid dynasty in 1086 and the Almohad dynasty in 1146 marked the end of a long period of prosperity and peaceful coexistence between the different communities.
Violently forced to convert to Islam, the Jews fled Spain in their thousands, finding refuge in the Maghreb, Turkey and Greece… But these three centuries of harmonious coexistence between the three monotheisms remain to this day a long, happy interlude in the memory of European civilization, and have demonstrated to the world that our differences, far from opposing us, have the power, on the contrary, to bring us closer together, even to invite us to fraternize.
Al-Idrissi described Cordoba in the following words: (37)
‘’ “The city of Cordoba is the capital and metropolis of al-Andalus, and the seat of the Muslim caliphate. […] The central city is home to the Gate of the Bridge and the Friday Mosque 1, which is unrivalled among Muslim mosques for its architecture, ornamentation and size. […] This mosque has a qibla that is impossible to describe, so perfect is it. The mind is overwhelmed by the sight of its ornaments and all the gilded and colored mosaics that the emperor of Constantinople the Great sent to Abd al-Rahman nicknamed al-Nâsir li-Dîn Allah the Umayyad. On this side, I mean the side of the mihrab, there are seven arches rising on columns […] all enameled like an earring, with an art whose splendor of execution, nor finesse of realization, Christians, like Muslims, cannot reproduce.”’’
The golden age of Cordoba
Interior of Mezquita de Córdoba, SpainInterior of Mezquita de Córdoba, SpainInterior of Mezquita de Córdoba, Spain
The Spirit of Cordoba represents a historical and intellectual movement rooted in the city’s rich cultural and scientific legacy, particularly during its time as a center of knowledge and innovation in Europe. This spirit symbolizes human excellence and ingenuity, and while much of the focus is on Cordoba, its influence also extended to other Spanish cities like Granada and Toledo. (38)
As to what concerns the contribution of Islam in the Iberian Peninsula, (39) Safvet Halilović argues: (40)
“Islam and its followers had created a civilization that played very important role on the world stage for more than a thousand years. One of the most important specific qualities of the Islamic civilization is that it is a well-balanced civilization that brought together science and faith, struck a balance between spirit and matter and did not separate this world from the Hereafter. This is what distinguishes the Islamic civilization from other civilizations which attach primary importance to the material aspect of life, physical needs and human instincts, and attach greater attention to this world by striving to instantly satisfy desires of the flesh, without finding a proper place for God and the Hereafter in their philosophies and education systems. The Islamic civilization drew humankind closer to God, connected the earth and heavens, subordinated this world to the Hereafter, connected spirit and matter, struck a balance between mind and heart, and created a link between science and faith by elevating the importance of moral development to the level of importance of material progress. It is owing to this that the Islamic civilization gave an immense contribution to the development of global civilization. Another specific characteristic of the Islamic civilization is that it spread the spirit of justice, impartiality and tolerance among people. The result was that people of different beliefs and views lived together in safety, peace and mutual respect, and that mosques stood next to churches, monasteries and synagogues in the lands that were governed by Muslims. This stems primarily from the commandments of the noble Islam according to which nobody must be forced to convert from their religion and beliefs since freedom of religion is guaranteed within the Islamic order.”
Cordoba, especially during its peak in the Islamic Golden Age (8th to 13th centuries), made several significant contributions to various fields of science and knowledge.(41) Here are some key contributions:(
Mathematics:
Algebra: The mathematician Al-Khwarizmi, who worked in the House of Wisdom in Baghdad but had significant influence in Spain, is credited with the development of algebra. His works were translated and studied in Cordoba.
Trigonometry: Muslim scholars in Cordoba made advancements in trigonometry, including the development of sine, cosine, and tangent functions, which were crucial for astronomy and navigation.Astronomy:
Observatories: Cordoba housed observatories that allowed astronomers to study celestial bodies and improve astronomical tables.
Astrolabes: Islamic scientists in Cordoba refined the astrolabe, an ancient device used for solving problems related to time and the position of the stars.Medicine:
Medical Schools: Cordoba was home to one of the earliest medical schools in Europe. Scholars like Ibn Rushd (Averroes) made substantial contributions to medicine, including commentaries on Aristotle’s work and original research on various medical topics.
Pharmacology: Medical texts compiled in Cordoba included extensive information on herbal medicine and pharmacology, influencing practices in both the Islamic world and later in Europe.Philosophy:
Averroes (Ibn Rushd): A prominent philosopher from Cordoba, he bridged Islamic and Western thought, advocating for the study of Aristotle and influencing thinkers like Thomas Aquinas.
Maimonides (Ibn Maimun): Another influential figure, he combined Jewish, Muslim, and Greek philosophies, impacting both Jewish and Islamic intellectual traditions.Architecture and Engineering:
Innovative Techniques: The Great Mosque of Cordoba is not only an architectural marvel but also illustrates advanced engineering techniques like the horseshoe arch, which influenced later European Gothic architecture.
Water Management: The development of irrigation systems and hydraulic engineering facilitated agriculture in the region, showcasing advanced understanding of water management.Literature and Translation:
Translation Movement: Cordoba was pivotal in translating Greek and Roman texts into Arabic, preserving and enhancing classical knowledge that would later flow back into Europe during the Renaissance.Optics:
Ibn al-Haytham (Alhazen): Though born in Basra, his work in optics was influential in Cordoba. He laid foundational principles regarding light and vision, and his writings were studied widely.
These contributions collectively fostered a culture of learning and intellectual exchange that made Cordoba a beacon of knowledge during the Middle Ages, laying the groundwork for future scientific advancements in Europe and beyond.Symbiosis between the three monotheisms
Abd Arrahman an-Nassir came to power in October 912 at the age of 22. At the time, al-Andalus was experiencing serious problems of internal revolt, while threats from the Christian kingdoms to the north were real. But the young sovereign was as energetic as he was lucid. In just a few years, he put down the revolts, reunified the territory and inflicted defeat after defeat on the Christians in the north.
The young emir was beloved from the outset, granting complete freedom of worship, and maintaining contact with the great Jewish and Christian sages. He was a gentleman and a sincere believer in the principles of Islam; he loved religion, the arts and encouraged science. He knew that al-Andalus needed a perfect symbiosis between the three religions if it was to shine. The powerful Caliphate of Cordoba was proclaimed in 929.
Whereas they had been persecuted under the various Visigoth rulers, the Jews, now protected, were full-fledged citizens, powerfully organized as a community, erecting magnificent synagogues, developing culture and providing the state with great subjects; it was in al-Andalus that they lived best. The Hebrew community, with its sometimes very orthodox outlook, was not required to sacrifice any principles in order to participate in the cultural and political life of the country.
Golden age of Judaism
Al-Andalus was a Muslim country in the sense that religion dictated all laws, but Islam, recognizing other faiths, refused to interfere in the affairs of other cults.
As a result, the Jews, while speaking and writing Arabic, and adopting the Islamic style, developed their schools and teaching centers to perpetuate their religious heritage. (42) Better still, they were able to extend it. Great Jewish figures were thrust into the limelight, and the community was abuzz with interest in its own renaissance in a context that was largely favorable to it. This was truly the golden age of Judaism. (43)
Entirely free in their worship, and untroubled by their beliefs, the Jews of Cordoba and other cities threw themselves into politics, art and economics. They translated philosophical texts for princes, wrote poems and literary texts of great finesse, opened major centers for the study of Talmud, supplied the country with large Arabic libraries, and rose to occupy positions at the top of the State. (44)
On the golden age of Jewish culture, Mark R. Cohen writes: (45)
“In the nineteenth century there was nearly universal consensus that Jews in the Islamic Middle Ages—taking al-Andalus , or Muslim Spain , as the model—lived in a “Golden Age” of Jewish-Muslim harmony,1 an interfaith utopia of tolerance and convivencia. It was thought that Jews mingled freely and comfortably with Muslims, immersed in Arabic-Islamic culture, including the language, poetry, philosophy, science, medicine, and the study of Scripture—a society, furthermore, in which Jews could and many did ascend to the pinnacles of political power in Muslim government. This idealized picture went beyond Spain to encompass the entire Muslim world, from Baghdad to Cordova, and extended over the long centuries, bracketed by the Islamic conquests at one end and the era of Moses Maimonides (1138–1204) at the other.”
Intercultural blossoming
Hasdai Ibn Shaprut (46) is a famous example of this. Raised in orthodox Judaism, a talented physician and a great translator of Greek, he was a key figure in the caliphate’s ambassadorial missions and translations of Greek texts. In this way, he helped develop science independently of the Baghdad of the Abbasids, the main rivals. Respected by the authorities, Hasdai took the opportunity to develop Hebrew and the teaching of Judaism, and organized the Jewish community in a highly efficient manner.
Mozarabic Christians (living in al-Andalus) also flourished, occupying key positions with the authorities in the same way as Jews, and were sometimes responsible for foreign policies. In many cases, they were the Caliph’s ambassadors to the Court of Constantinople, like the bishops Racemundo and Rabi ibn Zayd.
At the same time, numerous Muslim scholars excelled in all fields. Debates were fierce and critical thinking lively. New discoveries came thick and fast, and al-Andalus became the most scientifically fertile place in the world. Jews and Christians, subject to the dhimmi (protected) tax, and Muslims subject to the zakât (third pillar of Islam) tax, together gave rise to a society that was exemplary in terms of intercultural flourishing.
Convivencia erased by the Inquisition
You can travel the length and breadth of al-Andalus, from north to south and east to west, and despite their historical, social and economic importance in the Spain of the three cultures, you’ll rarely, if ever, find a trace of the Jews’ passage through these regions.
This is hardly surprising, given that the Jews were never great builders: you don’t see grand edifices such as the Mosque of Córdoba, for example, or palaces like the Alhambra in Granada. This is also due to the fact that the religious buildings of the Jewish faith, the synagogues, are fairly sober places, uncluttered by pompous ornamentation. On the other hand, they played an important financial role, as they always do, as advisors to the emirs.
One of the best examples is Hasdaï ibn Shaprut, mentioned above, protector of the Jewish community, physician, diplomat and adviser to Abd al Rahman. This is truly the symbol of a century which, despite the tensions that still existed, was one of tolerance and respect for others, which prevailed over identity or religious values, and where the three religions of the Book coexisted in harmony; in short, what has sometimes been called “the Spirit of Cordoba”, which prevailed until a certain period. (47)
Medieval Spain can and must inspire us, not just by promoting a “tolerance” that would set aside religious truths, syncretism or indifference, but rather because it was first and foremost “a land of dialogue”, often bitter, sometimes violent, but also extraordinarily rich.
In fact, the Jews were a rather urban community. They lived in what were known as “juderías“, districts they occupied, separated from Christians and Muslims, and which often constituted a veritable municipality within a municipality. They had, for example, their own independent judiciary.
Some Jews thus occupied positions of great responsibility in the administration and government, given their intellectual training and their skill in handling money: loans and usury. The lowest social classes were made up of small craftsmen and tradesmen. But the jealousy provoked by their wealth and popular hatred, combined with religious intransigence, meant that in the 14th century, certain Jewish quarters were attacked and disappeared. Towards the end of the same century, many were forced to convert to Christianity. They became known as “conversos“, which led to the decline of the “juderías“. These “Spanish Jews” (Sefarad or Sephardis, the Hebrew name for Spain) included Fernando de Rojas, author of La Celestina, Fray Luis de León, Mateo Alemán, Spinoza…
In 1492, tolerance disappeared once and for all when the Catholic Monarchs decreed the conversion or expulsion of Jews, who left Spain and emigrated to Portugal, North Africa, Turkey, the Balkans and Italy. It is estimated that over 150,000 Jews left Spain at this time.
A little later, it was the turn of the “moriscos“, (48) the Muslims who remained in Spain after the fall of Granada, the last Muslim kingdom.
Despite earlier promises, the Muslims retained their language, religion and customs, and due to the numerous problems and uprisings, King Felipe II ordered their definitive expulsion in 1609. Over 300,000 Muslims left the country and settled permanently in the Maghreb. Even today, legend has it that certain families in Tlemcen or Fez jealously guard in velvet cases the keys to the homes they left in a hurry when they were expelled, and there are still family names in Algeria such as “Kortebi” or “Benkartaba” (from the Arabic pronunciation of Cordoba, Córdoba, Kortoba).
And all this, of course, thanks to the good offices of the Spanish Holy Inquisition, created by the Catholic Monarchs in 1480 to consolidate religious unity.
The famous Inquisition tribunal was headed by an Inquisitor General, the most famous of whom was the infamous Fray Tomás de Torquemada, who prosecuted Jewish communities. He finally decreed, in 1492, the expulsion of those who did not want to be baptized, which led to the loss of a social group that was very active, as I have already pointed out, in trade, finance and banking. Torture and violent interrogation were common practice, while death at the stake was often the sentence.
In short, the Inquisition was used politically to reign terror and combat modern ideas, those of Muslims, Protestants, sects…, and the persistence of Judaizing practices, as well as, to a lesser extent, to repress acts that deviated from strict orthodoxy (blasphemy, fornication, bigamy…).
Chess and social diversity
A Christian and a Muslim playing Chess, Libro de los juegos (Public domain)
Chess is an example of the Arab-Muslim world’s role as transmitter. Originating in India, the game arrived in Persia before spreading throughout the Arab-Muslim world after the conquest of the Sassanid Empire. It entered Europe, probably via Spain, and enjoyed dazzling success. The Book of Games (Libro de los juegos) was commissioned by Alfonso X, King of Castile (r. 1252-1284) and completed in the Toledo scriptorium in 1283. It contains around a hundred chess problems, which explains why the chessboard is visible. The players depicted reflect the great social and religious diversity of Spain’s population. Each group is distinguished by specific clothing.
Averroes in dialogue with the Greek philosopher Porphyry
Ibn Rushd (1126-1198) was one of the greatest scholars of al-Andalus. He was the author of scientific works (mathematics, astronomy, medicine), as well as Islamic law. He was a qādī (judge) of Seville in 1160, and belonged to the Mâlikite school. He is best known for his philosophical work, in particular his important commentaries on Aristotle, which had a considerable influence in the West from the following century. He considered that philosophy was not incompatible with the teachings of Islam. In so doing, he exposed himself to criticism from the Ash’arite school, favored by the Almohad caliphs: this school rejected his approach as rationalist, which led to Ibn Rushd’s dismissal in 1197. His work, suspected of heresy, had no posterity in the Muslim world. However, it became accessible to Christianity via Jewish translators, who transcribed his name into Aben Roys, hence the Latin form Averroès. The image presented here below shows Averroes discussing (in Latin) with the Greek philosopher Porphyry of Tyre (c. 234 – c. 305). This depiction emphasizes his role as a link between ancient and medieval, Arab-Muslim and Western knowledge.
Monfredo de Monte Imperialis, Liber de herbis (XIVe s.). (Wikimedia Commons)
Interior of a synagogue in al-Andalus
The image, taken from a 14th-century manuscript, is a reminder that religious minorities, and in particular the large Jewish community, enjoyed freedom of worship within the limits of the dhimma status. This tolerance allowed Jewish culture to flourish in Spain.
The mosque-cathedral of Cordoba
Cantor reading the Passover story (Wikimedia Commons)
Cordoba’s Mosque-Cathedral is a fine example of how Christian and Muslim influences could be blended. In Visigothic times, it was a church dedicated to St. Vincent. After the Muslim conquest, the building was divided in two: one part was converted into a mosque, and the other was reserved for Christian worship. After settling in Spain, Abd al-Rahman I (r. 756-788) decided to build a mosque to rival those of the Abbasids. He bought out the Christian portion. Work began in 784. His successors enlarged the mosque, which was completed in 987. Note that the mihrab curiously faces south instead of Mecca. Cordoba was conquered by Castile in 1236. The center of the mosque was converted into a church, then a cathedral. In the 16th century, the Christians built a cathedral more in keeping with the canons of Catholic architecture, which seems to be embedded in the mosque.
Conviviality on the Iberian Peninsula
In the 8th century, Arab conquerors established themselves in Spain. Muslims, Jews and Christians lived together peacefully on the peninsula.
In the mid-10th century, the Caliph of Cordoba celebrated the Christian feast of St. John with horse races; under Muslim rule, Toledo continued to have Catholic archbishops. In the 12th century, Maimonides, rabbi, philosopher and physician (1135-1204), was free to practice his art and publish his works in Cordoba, in the land of Islam. (49)
On the other side of the border, around 875, the King of Leon sent his son, the future Ordono II, to complete his education with the Muslim emir of Saragossa. After the reconquest of Toledo in 1085, Alfonso VI (1042-1109), King of Castile, proclaimed himself “emperor of the two religions” (Christian and Muslim). Alfonso X (1252-1284) planned to open a joint university (medersa) for Christians, Muslims and Jews in Murcia. Even in the 13th century, Toledo was considered the Jerusalem of Spanish Jewry, with splendid synagogues that can be admired today under their Christian names of Santa Maria la Blanca and Nuestra Senora del Transito. (50)
These few examples testify to the originality of the Iberian Peninsula, which from 711 (when the first Muslim contingents landed on its shores) to 1492 (when the Catholic Monarchs conquered Granada, capital of the last emirate), found itself politically and culturally divided between two civilizations: the Muslim East and the Christian West; at the crossroads of these two worlds, a Jewish minority managed to survive. The three religions of the Book would have lived, if not in harmony, at least in mutual respect, with Muslim or Christian rulers having the wisdom not to impose their faith by force. What exactly is the situation? Does medieval Spain deserve to go down in history as a model of tolerance and cultural pluralism? (51)
The invaders of the 8th century were, for the most part, Amazigh/Berbers who had barely become Islamized. The actual Arabs would have numbered between thirty and fifty thousand. (52) The bulk of the population only converted to Islam at a later date. This is because the conquerors, who were warriors in search of booty, did little religious proselytizing. They allowed the Jews to remain in Muslim territory, as well as large communities of Mozarabic Christians. The Christian Reconquest, on the other hand, was not an uninterrupted struggle. (53)
It would also be a mistake to imagine that the Christians had a clear sense of purpose from the outset. The Visigothic monarchy, which had been established in Spain since the 6th century, had been swept away, its cadres destroyed or dispersed. It wasn’t until the second half of the 11th century that the battle of Covadonga (722), which halted the advance of the Moors into Asturias, and it became the symbol of resistance, the starting point of a great enterprise.
This resistance was part of a historical perspective: the reconstitution of the political unity of a peninsula liberated from the Moors, and this perspective was the work of Mozarabic monks who, fleeing al-Andalus, had found asylum in the kingdom of Asturias. It was here that the idea of Reconquest was born, i.e. the ambition to return the peninsula to those who considered themselves its rightful owners. This Reconquest was accompanied by a double population movement: the occupiers were expelled and replaced by settlers from the north. Only in exceptional cases were Muslims allowed to stay.(54)
The three religious minorities – Christian, Jewish and Muslim – have always had a legal existence, whatever the dominant political regime in the peninsular states. This is a fact of civilization peculiar to medieval Spain: the coexistence of social groups practicing different religions. In the land of Islam, the principle of dhimma (protection) made special provision for the “People of the Book”, Jews and Christians. (55)
Nature of Convivencia
The Jews were the first to benefit from the provisions of Convivencia. Persecuted by the last Visigoth kings, they had rather welcomed the Muslim invaders and often made their task easier. The emirs (governors or military chiefs of provinces under Muslim rule) and caliphs (Muslim rulers, considered successors to the Prophet) readily used them in administration, finance and economic activities. As a result, Jewish communities flourished in al-Andalus until the 12th century.
This was a pivotal period for these communities: in the 12th century, fleeing persecution by the Almoravids and Almohads (intransigent fundamentalist dynasties from Morocco), (56) Jews emigrated to the Christian kingdoms. Many of them put their experience to work for the rulers, in finance and administration of the reconquered territories. Their legal status was similar to that which they had enjoyed in the 10th century, under the Caliphate of Cordoba: in exchange for often heavy taxes, they enjoyed administrative, religious and even legal autonomy, under the guidance of their rabbis.
The heyday of Judaism in Castile spanned two centuries, from the mid-12th to the mid-14th century. This prosperity came to an end with the recession and catastrophes that followed the Black Death, which broke out in Spain in 1348. The Christian masses, fanaticized by preachers, blamed the Jews for all their misfortunes. Popular anti-Semitism culminated in the massacres of 1391; (57) it would never cease to wreak havoc, and Jewish communities, impoverished by numerous more or less sincere conversions, declined sharply in the 15th century.
Like the Jews, the Mozarabs and Mudéjars were original religious minorities. Mozarabs are Christians living in Muslim territory, and Mudéjars are Muslim subjects of a Christian sovereign. Mozarabes and Mudéjars are protected by comparable legal statutes. In return, they were free to practice their religion and administer their own affairs.
By the middle of the 8th century, large Mozarabic communities were being organized in Toledo, Cordoba, Seville, Mérida, etc., with their own civil administration (the counts, whose duties included tax collection) and ecclesiastical hierarchy. These communities had their own churches and monasteries. They retained their own liturgy: the Mozarabic rite, based on the Gothic rite instituted by Saint Isidore of Seville (570-636).
Over time, these Christians under Muslim domination came to arabize, as their etymology suggests: Mozarab comes from an Arabic word meaning “one who arabizes”. Latin remained their liturgical language, but they adopted Arabic as the language of culture and communication. The Mozarabs took Arabic names, and adopted Muslim clothing and lifestyles. In the 10th century, for example, they no longer ate pork and avoided accumulating images (paintings, sculptures) of God, the Virgin and the saints.
The reconquest of Toledo (1085) by Alfonso VI created a new situation. Thousands of Mozarabs were reintegrated into Christianity, not of their own free will, but as a result of a military victory. The Mozarabs of Toledo do not seem to have had any complaints about the Muslim authorities. They mingled with the Moors, rather than being confined to reserved quarters like the Jews. Many were indifferent to the political regime; some even left the city after the Reconquest and followed the Muslims in their flight.
Peculiarity of medieval Spain
This peculiarity of medieval Spain can be explained by the vicissitudes of history. Once the Reconquest was over, there was no longer any reason to maintain this state of affairs. That same year, 1492, the Catholic Monarchs recaptured Granada and expelled the Jews. Spain once again became a country like any other in European Christendom. This is regrettable, as Spain could and should have remained a bridge between East and West. Its rulers probably never thought of this. In 1492, they wanted to assimilate the defeated and the minority. They underestimated the scale of the task. The conversos, descendants of the Jews, sought to blend in with the masses, who suspected them of bad faith. The Moriscos, heirs of the Mudejars, refused to assimilate; they were expelled in the early 17th century. (58)
Was there, at least, a constitution of an original culture born of reciprocal influences? Borrowings, to be sure, and in all fields: linguistic, literary, artistic…, but there was never just one dominant culture.
Of course, a Muslim Spaniard and a Christian Spaniard were no strangers to each other, but the former remained first and foremost a Muslim, the latter a Christian. This was clearly demonstrated by the Moriscos of the 16th century, who were very attached to the land of their ancestors, where they were at home in the same way as the “Old Christians”, but who lived in a world of their own: their language, their way of life, of dressing, of eating, of entertaining, as much or more than their religion, made them… foreigners in their homeland. The expulsion of 1609 (60) took note of this situation, with all the tragedies we know: banished from their homeland, Moriscos were often unwelcome in Islamic lands.
For a long time, and sometimes right up to the present day, Moriscos and Sephardim (Jews) have had an ambiguous attitude towards Spain: resentment against what they see as injustice and despoilment prevails, but it’s not hard to discern something resembling tenderness, nostalgia for a land that was once their ancestral home. More than others, they have contributed to forging the image of an ideal medieval Spain, where three civilizations lived in harmony and harmony. (61)
When it comes to literary history, things are less straightforward. Mozarabic lyricism is made up of poems in Arabic or Hebrew, mixed with words and even whole verses in Castilian. These texts sometimes take up songs that predate Muslim domination, and foreshadow Castilian Christmas carols (villancicos). This is why Menéndez Pidal (62) sees these compositions as the intermediate link between the Iberian music and poetry of classical antiquity and that of present-day Spain, but this is highly controversial ground.
The so-called aljamiada literature of the 14th century, (63) for its part, was invented by Mudejares or Jews who used Castilian and Arabic or Hebrew script. It’s Juan Ruiz, the archpriest of Hita (1290-1350), author of the “Libro de buen amor,” who has been the focus of controversy over Mudejarismo. Was Juan Ruiz as steeped in Muslim culture as has been claimed? He may have known, through translations, many of the oriental tales he includes in his poem in the form of apologues (little moral fables); however, borrowings from classical and western tradition are more important in his work than is generally believed. (64)
There are two chronological stages: before and after the 12th century. Before, Christians and Jews lived more or less freely in al-Andalus. Afterwards, Muslims and Jews were allowed to remain in Christian Spain. Does this mean we can speak of a pluralist Spain? Certainly not. Jews and Mozarabs under Muslim rule, then Jews and Mudéjares under Christian rulers, had a “protected” status, with the pejorative nuance that attaches to this adjective.
Anna Akasoy believes that Convivencia in Muslim Spain was, undoubtedly, a fascinating life experience: (65)
“Historians of Europe often declare that Spain is “different.” This distinctiveness of the Iberian Peninsula has many faces and is frequently seen as rooted in its Islamic past. In the field of Islamic history, too, al-Andalus is somewhat different. It has its own specialists, research traditions, controversies, and trends. One of the salient features of historical studies of al-Andalus as well as of its popular image is the great interest in its interreligious dimension. In 2002, María Rosa Menocal published The Ornament of the World, one of the rare books on Islamic history written by an academic that enjoyed and still enjoys a tremendous popularity among nonspecialist readers. The book surveys intersections of Islamic, Jewish, and Christian elite culture, mostly in Arabic, Hebrew, and Latin literature and in architecture, from the Muslim conquest of the Iberian peninsula in 711 to the fall of Granada in 1492. Menocal presents the religious diversity commonly referred to as convivencia as one of the defining features of Andalusi intellectual and artistic productivity. She also argues that the narrow-minded forces that brought about its end were external, pointing to the Almoravids and Almohads from North Africa and Christians from north of the peninsula as responsible. The book’s subtitle, How Muslims, Jews, and Christians Created a Culture of Tolerance in Medieval Spain, conjures the community of Abrahamic faiths. It reflects the optimism of those who identify in Andalusi history a model for a constructive relationship between “Islam” and “the West” that in the age of the “war on terror” many are desperate to find.’’
Convivencia: a fallacy?
In many ways, the 19th century can be considered the founding moment of modernity. It was a time of political, industrial and communications revolutions. As an offshoot of these transformations, Romantic sensibilities took hold of large segments of the European population, revolutionizing the way they perceived the world. The love of nature, the sea and the mountains took hold. The literate public, increasingly numerous, took a genuine interest in the typical and the folkloric, and felt the need to travel in order to rediscover themselves. It was at this point that Orientalism, a word coined in the 1830s, (66) was invented. Henceforth, Europe’s elites were looking for an area untouched by modernity, offering them the possibility of regenerating themselves in an entity considered to be a conservatory of archaisms, a dreamlike space conducive to escape from an overly corseted bourgeois society. It was precisely at this moment that the writings of François-René de Chateaubriand, Victor Hugo and Washington Irving established Spain as the “vestibule of the Orient,” or the “Orient of proximity.” (67)
However, for Maya Soifer, Convivencia is a fallacy for many reasons, most importantly the fact that: (68)
“Postcolonial approaches address another major weakness that underlies Castro’s original formulation of convivencia: the absence of any consideration to the uneven distribution of power among the three religious communities. According to Thomas Glick’s insightful critique of Castro’s thought, in his vision, “relationships among persons of the three castes [i.e. Christians, Muslims, and Jews] were structured on a basis of parity, as if these groups were of equal demographic weights, political and military force, or cultural potency, and in complete disregard of the institutional or legal mechanisms controlling access to power.”’’
The great interest in Convivencia led part of the scientific community to take an interest in the country’s past, given that its Muslim past set it apart from the rest of Europe. From then on, the place and value accorded to this past never ceased to pose problems not only for Spanish society, but for Europe as a whole, insofar as the Iberian Peninsula was home to a multi-century Arab-Muslim presence. Indeed, the history of al-Andalus and its Arab-Muslim dynasties is unlikely to fit into the narrative of a Europe with Christian roots. As a result, the ways in which this past is apprehended are subject to diverse political recuperations. In fact, the spectrum is extremely wide, from the so-called “negationist” school (negacioncita) to those who believe that al-Andalus represents a civilizational apogee whose supposed tolerance prefigures the multiculturalism of our time, which would be characterized by the concept of Convivencia.
Though history establishes, through different written accounts, the existence of Convivencia in Muslim Spain. Yet, many Western intellectuals though they accept its existence yet they argue that it is exaggerated and blown out of proportion.
In this regard, Sarah-Mae Thomas writes: (69)
“So far the proposition has been that Convivencia was in fact a reality. However it will be argued here that perhaps to some extent it has been exaggerated. Much retrospective idealism was created through the historical accounts, the populism created by the Museum of Three Cultures in Cordoba and the mythos created by Washington Irving in the Tales of the Alhambra. Many contemporary historians purport that this retrospective utopianism of the Convivencia precariously masks the very presence of institutional fundamentalism in medieval Spain—both in its Jewish and Muslim manifestations in the nature of forced conversions, exile, lower standards of citizenship, higher taxation, and violence (Hillenbrand 1992, 7; Rothstein 2003, 9).”
While there were periods of tolerance and cultural exchange, the idea of a harmonious “golden age” is debated by historians. It is important to note that La Convivencia was not a utopian ideal, and there were also instances of conflict, persecution, and discrimination during its existence.
Is Convivencia a myth?
Though many Western historians support the idea of the existence of the Convivencia and the prevalence of the Spirit of Cordoba and see this as a concept to be copied and applied in modern times to allow conviviality between culture and creeds, yet others believe and argue that it is a historical myth. For them Convivencia never existed, Muslims used both Jews and Christians, given their knowledge, to advance their religious agenda: the prevalence and supremacy of the Islamic faith in Christian Europe.
One of the Western intellectuals who rejected Convivencia on the grounds that it is a gross myth is the Spanish academic and world-renowned Arabist Serafín Fanjul who has devoted his life to the study of Islam as a religious, sociological, economic and political phenomenon. His major works, of which the book entitled: “Al Andalus, l’invention d’un mythe,’’ have caused quite a stir in Spain. His main focus is on al-Andalus, the medieval Spain of the three cultures, where the political domination of Islam enabled centuries of extraordinary cultural exchange between the Islamic, Christian and Jewish communities, against a backdrop of harmonious cohabitation.
However, Maya Soifer, in an article entitled: “Beyond convivencia: critical reflections on the historiography of interfaith relations in Christian Spain”, views Convivencia in the following way: (71)
“While Américo Castro’s convivencia remains an influential concept in medieval Iberian studies, its sway over the field has been lessening in recent years. Despite scholars’ best efforts to rethink and redefine the concept, it has resisted all attempts to transform it into a workable analytical tool. The article explores the malaise affecting convivencia, and suggests that the idea has become more of an impediment than a help to medieval Iberian studies. It argues that convivencia retains some of its former influence because scholars insist on understanding it as a distinctly Ibero‐Islamic phenomenon. However, this article suggests that the evidence for Islamic influence on interfaith coexistence in Christian Spain is scarce. Instead of continuing to embrace the nationalist myth of Spain’s unique status in medieval Europe, scholars need to acknowledge the basic similarities in the Christian treatment of religious minorities north and south of the Pyrenees. The article also explores other aspects of convivencia’s problematic legacy: polarization of the field between “tolerance” and “persecution,” and the inattention to the nuances of social and political power relations that affected Jewish–Christian–Muslim coexistence in Christian Iberia.’’
She shows how the imaginary world of the Romantics came to dominate, leaving behind a vision of the Hispanic past that is more fantasy than reality. Historical truth has been swept away by belief, and belief is all the more seductive in that the sirens of conformism have been able to hijack it to their own advantage, turning the Spain of the time into a veritable lost paradise of European multiculturalism.
Faced, with sterile biases and commonplaces of all kinds, Serafín Fanjul sets out to dispel the fog and “rediscover Spain”. And the historical reality his work restores is that of a peninsula where intolerance and conflict, suffering and violence reigned between communities, a far cry from the openness and appeasement too often upheld. Fanjul’s argumentation allows the reader to glimpse, contrary to the usual representation, a Spain that found in the Reconquista the path to emancipation and liberation and dispels Convivencia as a total myth. (72)
In today’s Europe, faced with continuing Muslim immigration, we like to refer to the model of peaceful cohabitation of the three cultures of Al-Andalus. The history of Muslim Hispania or al-Andalus is thus an archetypal issue.
In the Middle Ages, the Iberian Peninsula witnessed a remarkable and unusual peaceful cohabitation between Jews, Christians and Muslims. This admirable cultural symbiosis lasted from the 8th century until the expulsion of the Jews in 1492, and even until the expulsion of the Moriscos in 1609.
Serafín Fanjul argues that, in reality, it was “a regime very similar to South African apartheid” and a “terrifying” era overall. Emphasizing that the motives and factors of struggle and confrontation between Muslim and Christian Spain were predominant throughout the period in question, he shows that al-Andalus was anything but a model of tolerance.
However, Alejandro Garcia Sanjuan destroys Serafin Panjul’s arguments one by one: (73)
“From S. Fanjul’s point of view, the so-called “myth of al-Andalus” represents a serious falsification of historical knowledge that requires rectification. Indeed, while it must be admitted that, like any other historical reality, the existence of al-Andalus has been subject to distortions and exaggerations, it is no less true that the supposed “myth” turns out to be far less important than it is. In reality, this myth is nothing more than an excuse to re-actualize the old ideas associated with conservative mythology and articulated around the classic notion of Reconquista.”
He goes on to say:
“Thus, the demolition of the so-called myth, in reality a mere “straw man”, constitutes the perfect excuse that justifies S. Fanjul’s true objective, the reshaping of conservative discourse and, ultimately, the legitimization of the notion of Reconquista which represents, in reality, the only real and authentic myth of medieval peninsular history.”
To conclude:
“In short, S. Fanjul’s work faithfully represents a historiographical trend that is directly linked to the current international rise of fascism, one of whose characteristics is the identification of Islam and Muslims as the great enemy of the West, seen as the spiritual reserve of humanity.’’
The Convivencia debate
Convivencia, the term often used to describe the coexistence of Christians, Muslims, and Jews in medieval Spain, has been debated among historians. Some suggest that it may be more of a myth than a reality, as noted in scholarly articles that argue it has become an impediment rather than a helpful concept in understanding social dynamics of the time. The distinctiveness of the Iberian Peninsula, and various interpretations, complicate the narrative around Convivencia.
The concept of Convivencia has been the subject of much scholarly debate. While some view it as a golden age of religious and cultural tolerance, others argue that this characterization oversimplifies and idealizes the complex historical realities of medieval Spain. Here are some arguments from both perspectives:
Arguments Supporting Convivencia as Historical Reality
Cultural and Intellectual Exchange: There is significant evidence of cultural and intellectual exchange among Muslims, Christians, and Jews during this period. The translation movements in cities like Toledo, where scholars translated works from Arabic into Latin and Hebrew, are often cited as examples of this coexistence and cooperation.
Philosophical Dialogue: Scholars from different religious backgrounds engaged in philosophical and theological debates, enriching each other’s traditions and contributing to a vibrant intellectual culture.
Economic Collaboration: Various historical records indicate that Muslims, Christians, and Jews engaged in trade and commerce together, contributing to the economic prosperity of the region.
Architectural and Artistic Achievements, Unique Blend of Styles: The period saw the creation of architectural masterpieces like the Alhambra, the Great Mosque of Córdoba, and the Synagogue of El Transito, which reflect a blend of Islamic, Christian, and Jewish artistic traditions.
Periods of Relative Peace: There were periods during which the three religious communities lived relatively peacefully under Muslim rule, especially when compared to the periods of intense conflict that followed, such as the Reconquista and the Inquisition.
Legal Frameworks for Coexistence, Dhimmis: Under Muslim rule, Christians and Jews were given the status of dhimmis, which allowed them to practice their religion and maintain their own legal systems in exchange for paying a tax (jizyah). This legal framework provided a degree of protection and autonomy for non-Muslims.Arguments Challenging the Myth of Convivencia
Instances of Conflict: Critics point out that there were significant episodes of violence and persecution during this period. For example, there were anti-Jewish pogroms in Christian-ruled territories and instances of forced conversions and expulsions.
Legal and Social Inequality: Non-Muslims under Muslim rule were often subject to discriminatory laws and social practices. Dhimmis had to pay a special tax (jizyah) and were subject to certain legal restrictions.
Romanticization and Anachronism: Some scholars argue that the concept of Convivencia is a romanticized and anachronistic interpretation, influenced by modern ideals of multiculturalism and tolerance. They suggest that the interactions among religious communities were more pragmatic and utilitarian than genuinely harmonious.
Political Instrumentalization: The idea of Convivencia has sometimes been used for political purposes, both in the past and in contemporary contexts, to promote certain narratives of national identity or intercultural dialogue.
Second-Class Citizenship: Despite being allowed to practice their religion, non-Muslims were often treated as second-class citizens and faced various forms of social and legal discrimination.
Episodes of Violence and Persecution:
Pogroms and Expulsions: There were significant episodes of violence, such as anti-Jewish pogroms in Christian territories and the eventual expulsion of Jews and Muslims from Spain in the late 15th century.
Forced Conversions: There were instances of forced conversions and religious persecution, especially during the periods of heightened tension and conflict.While the Convivencia period did witness moments of cultural and intellectual flourishing and cooperation among Muslims, Christians, and Jews, it was also marked by significant tensions, conflicts, and inequalities. The reality of this historical period is more complex than the idealized notion of Convivencia suggests. Scholarly consensus tends to acknowledge both the positive and negative aspects, recognizing that while there were notable instances of coexistence and collaboration, these were often accompanied by underlying social, political, and religious tensions. (74)
The period of Convivencia in medieval Spain is marked by both notable achievements and significant challenges. While it provided a framework for cultural and intellectual exchange and contributed to the region’s economic and artistic development, it was also characterized by social inequalities, episodes of violence, and underlying tensions between different religious communities. Understanding both the pros and cons of this period allows for a more nuanced appreciation of its historical significance.
Conclusion: A time of nostalgy
Convivencia in Al-Andalus refers to the coexistence of different cultures, religions, and ethnicities during the period of Muslim rule in the Iberian Peninsula (711-1492). While often romanticized as a model of tolerance and harmonious interaction, the reality was more complex. There were periods of relative peace and cultural exchange, but also significant tensions and outbreaks of violence. It is important to remember that Convivencia was a complex and evolving reality, not a static ideal. (75)
The concept of Convivencia, common to the Castilian, Catalan, Portuguese and Occitan cultures, has been taken up by Occitan associations since the 1980s, and is now attracting growing interest from the general public and institutions alike.
But where does this concept come from? From what corners of history? What is its relevance to contemporary society? What cultural and social practices is it based on? What does La Convivencia say that goes beyond tolerance and secularism? Is there a pedagogy of La Convivencia?
Faced with the rise of negationists of all kinds, with religious or secular totalitarianism aimed at rejecting all otherness, and with the prevailing of declinists, La Convivencia intends to help rebuild world society.
Thanks to Convivencia, the most extraordinary meeting of the Middle Ages took place: the meeting between East and West. Toledo, barbarian under the Visigoths, then under Muslim, Jewish and Christian rule, was the ideal setting for the encounter between the sciences of the Greeks gathered by al-Andalus – mathematics, astronomy, chemistry, medicine, geography – “sciences of the Ancients”, as the Arabs called them, and Judeo-Christian thought. (76)
We can mention two such enlightened and “convivial” monarchs, the Caliph Abd al-Rahman III (891-961) and King Alfonso X el Sabio (1221-1284), as well as the anonymous authors of the Romancero, the poetic heritage of the Spanish people, born in the times of conviviality, which has, with great empathy, preserved the lament of Andalusian princes so delicate in their love of country. We can evoke celebrities: Averroes and Maimonides, of course, but also Ibn Hazm, author of ‘’The Dove’s Necklace,’’ the Moorish link in the chain that runs from Seneca to Unamuno. (77)
In 1995, in Rome, John Paul II, in his call for dialogue and peace, (78) had twice advocated ““una convivenza” between peoples and fractions of the same people“. (79) French press correspondents had trouble translating the concept. They had to use, without conviction, the word convivialité. The Académie Française was asked to find a more appropriate French equivalent. In the spring of 2004, it included “convivance” in the 9th edition of its dictionary. (80)
La Convivencia! This was what it took for a great mystic to emerge from Murcia in the 12th century: Ibn Arabi (1165- 1240), whom Dante remembered when writing his “Divine Comedy.” Disregarding all divisions, Ibn Arabi succeeded in reaching the true faith, ecumenism in the absolute sense, that which excommunicates no one. Witness these famous verses, the expression of a heart that professes the religion of love and welcomes in the same fervor the brotherhood of the three monotheisms as well as that of idolaters:
لقدصارَقلبيقابِلاكُلَّصورةٍفمرعًىلغزلانٍوَديْرٌلرُهبانِوبيتٌلِأَوثانٍوكعبةُطائفٍوألواحُتوراةٍومصحفُقُرآنِأَدينُبدينِالحُبِّأَنّى َتَوجَّهَتْركائِبُهُفالحُبُّدينيوَإِيماني
My heart is now open to every image,
It is for the gazelle a pasture and for the monk, a hermitage.
Pagan temple, Kaaba, for circumambulation,
Tables of the Law, a book of the Koran.
I profess love, beyond its convoys,
For love, to all winds, is my worship and my faith. (81)
The French historian Charles Sallefranque reminds us: (82)
“The Arab nobles quickly became Hispanic. Coming without their wives […], they followed the example of their first emir ‘Abd al-‘Azîz, who married Egilona […] At the end of the three or four generations resulting from these mixed unions, they were physically little different from their tributaries. Ribera goes so far as to say that the Umayyads are the most authentically Spanish of the Iberian dynasties. They were certainly more Spanish – after two centuries of intermarriage in the country – than the Habsburgs or the Bourbons.”
For some modern Western critics, even if Convivencia existed in Islamic Spain, yet the benevolence of al-Andalus towards religious minorities has been idealized. They were constantly discriminated against, even persecuted. It was the Almoravids (1056-1147), then the Almohads (1130-1269) from the Maghreb who dealt the fatal blow to the Spain of the “three religions”. The religious rigorism of the former contrasted with the eclecticism and freedom of life they found in Spain; they imposed the exclusive use of Arabic and sought to restore dogma to its original purity. The Almohads took over. These were Amazigh/Berbers whose name meant “followers of the one God”. They too were uncompromising about the purity of their faith and the obligations it entailed. (83)
For Joseph Pérez, the conviviality never existed in Muslim Spain: (84)
“The myth of a Muslim Spain welcoming and benevolent towards religious minorities must be abandoned. The country’s masters have always been convinced of the superiority of their faith. Jews and Mozarabs were never more than second-class subjects. In the 14th and 15th centuries, the situation was reversed. Christianity would then become the dominant religion, and the rulers would agree to rule over infidels – Muslims this time, and still Jews – who would be tolerated, but subjected to discrimination of all kinds. And there’s one sure sign: sexual relations between Christians, Jews and Muslims were frequent, even though they were theoretically forbidden; on the other hand, there are no known cases of mixed marriages: there couldn’t have been any.”
However, these critics forget that al-Andalus saw the apogee of the Jewish culture the emergence of such great thinkers and philosophers such as Maimonides and Averroes and that while Western Europe was deep in conflicts, poverty and autocracy, Muslim Spain saw a real scientific and cultural development that was the main affluent that fed into and kick-started European Renaissance. (85)
The origin of the Renaissance was the result of several factors. The Crusades were an abject failure militarily. On the other hand, the desire for the spices and other goods the Crusaders found in the east helped spur the Commercial Revolution which trade caused European countries to create the fertile ground for a rebirth of a more organized society. The humanists, whose writings, encouraged the intellectual climate of the Renaissance, based their ideas on the rediscovered Greek and Roman writing which Islamic Civilization preserved. Contact between Muslims and Christians occurred in Spain and Italy. One example would be Averroes, an Amazigh/Berber intellectual in Spain. His writing on Aristotle was translated and became the basis for “Acquinas Summa Theologica’’, written in late Middle Ages, was the beginning of intellectual rebirth. (86)
In this regard Safvet Halilović writes: (87)
“However, there is no doubt that the Muslims had very much so participated in the development of world civilization, thanks to the efforts of outstanding figures in different branches of learning. Today, in the libraries throughout the world we can find thousands of documents that will testify to the efforts and achievements of Arabic-Islamic civilization in the fields of astronomy, mathematics, physics, chemistry, medicine, pharmacology, geography, architecture and other branches of science.“
Convivencia has become a universal reference regarding the Middle Ages in Spain. The distant origin of this reference point can be found in the ideas of the Spanish philologist Américo Castro, but it has also been reworked to become a tool with which to meet the multicultural challenges that have arisen in societies since the last quarter of the 20th century. Therefore, Convivencia is a political and not historical concept. This contraposition between political and historical concepts raises a broader and more complex discussion of historical knowledge and its relevance in contemporary societies.
Today, nevertheless, it’s safe to say that many people practice yesterday’s Convivencia without even knowing it. (88)
Al-Andalus – the Iberian Peninsula (present-day Spain and Portugal) under Muslim rule from 711 to 1492, with wide geographical variations – left an indelible mark on human history. It was a time when the three monotheistic religions met in peace for a fairly long period of time, enabling all of them – Muslims, Jews and Christians – to experience a general flourishing that extended to all areas of life and culture. Some scholars refer to this flourishing period as the “Spirit of Cordoba”.
It is precisely this spirit that humanity needs today if it is to continue to live and think about a serene future, especially in these times when we feel that explosive tensions and racial and religious hatreds are resurfacing, even though we are supposed to be evolving in a time of encounters with others and easy communication. (89)
Knowledge of the past, and the maintenance of this knowledge, are essential to building the future of humanity. We have seen that culture, science in all its forms and general flourishing were only able to reach such a degree – which would still be hard to imagine today – in 10th-century al-Andalus when the “Spirit of Cordoba”, instilled by a governor as brilliant as ‘Abd Arrahman an-Nassir, was able to give different ethnic and religious communities the opportunity to live and work with respect for each other. To build for the common good.
If we want to build such a beautiful and glorious future, we must rediscover this “Spirit of Cordoba” and nurture it for as long as possible. Amen.
Chronological landmarks:
711: Muslim invasion. Battle of Ctiadalete. End of Visigothic monarchy.
718: Pelayo, King of Asturias. Battle of Covadonga (traditional date; in fail between 721 and 725).
732: Charles Martel stops the Muslims at Poitiers.
755: ‘Ahd el-Rahman I proclaims himself Emir of Cordoba.
786: construction of the Cordoba Mosque begins.
791: Oviedo, capital of the Kingdom of Asturias.
801: Reconquest of Barcelona.
822: ‘Abd el-Rahman II, Emir of Cordoba.
859: martyrdom of Saint Fuloge in Cordoba.
885-888: Reconquest of Burgos and Zamora.
912: ‘Abd el-Rahman III. emir of Cordoba.
929: ‘Abd el-Rahman III proclaims himself caliph of Cordoba.
978: Almansour, first minister of the Cordoba caliphate.
1031: Disappearance of the Caliphate of Cordoba, Kingdoms of Taifas.
1064: Reconquest of Coimbra.
1085: Reconquest of Toledo.
1086: Almoravid invasion. 1094: Cid occupies Valencia.
1102: Almoravids recapture Valencia.
1118: Reconquest of Saragossa.
1143: End of Almoravid power. Return to the Taifas.
1156: Almohad invasion.
1212: Christian victory at Navas de Tolosa.
1229: Reconquest of Majorca.
1230: Reconquest of Mérida and Badajoz.
1236: Reconquest of Cordoba.
1238: Foundation of the Nasrid dynasty in Granada.
1246: Reconquest of Jaén.
1248: Reconquest of Seville.
1309: Reconquest of Gibraltar.
1474: Accession of Isabella the Catholic, Queen of Castile.
1478: Establishment of the Inquisition.
1481: Reconquest resumed: Granada War.
1492: Reconquest of Granada. Expulsion of the Jews.
Endnotes:
“La Convivencia occitane” refers to a period of cultural and religious tolerance in Occitania, a region in southern France. This concept highlights the coexistence of different faiths, particularly Christianity and Islam, during the Middle Ages. It is believed that the term Convivencia itself originated in Occitania, reflecting the region’s unique social fabric.
Garcia, Alem Surre. (2025). Au-delà des rives – Les Orients d’Occitanie. Paris: France, Dervy.
The Cahiers are a collection of notes and reflections recorded by French philosopher Simone Weil between 1933 and 1943, published from 1950 in several volumes by two different publishers, Plon and Gallimard. A four-volume critical edition was published in Volume VI of the author’s Œuvres complètes by Gallimard between 1994 and 2006.Cf. Weil, Simone. (2014). The Notebooks of Simone Weil. Translated from the French by Arthur Wills. London, UK: Routledge.
Garcia, Alem Surre. (2023). La Convivéncia. Montséret, France : Troba Vox.
Dhimma is an Arabic term designating the legal status of any citizen of a Muslim state who is not of the Muslim faith. Dhimmis (people subject to dhimma) are subject to specific taxes in Muslim states. From Arabic ḏhimma, ذمة, (“commitment”, “pact”, “obligation”). The institution of dhimma, a pact of reciprocal obligation between non-Muslims recognized as “People of the Book” and the theocratic Muslim state, which established a discriminatory but “protected” status for the latter, governed the condition of those known as “dhimmî” from the 7th century until the fall of the Ottoman Empire.Cf. Pascal Buresi, Pascal. (2013). La ḏimma et les ḏimmī à travers l’histoire : problèmes et enjeux. In Être non musulman en terre d’Islam. Dhimmi d’hier, citoyen d’aujourd’hui ? (pp. 7-14). Paris, France : Editions du Cygne. ffhalshs01440062f
The jizyah (Arabic: جزية ), is in the Muslim world an annual capitation tax referred to in the Qur’an and collected from pubescent non-Muslim males (dhimmîs) of military age in return for their protection – in principle. Certain dhimmîs are theoretically exempt: women, children, the elderly, the infirm, slaves, monks, anchorites and the insane. Those dhimmîs who are authorized to bear arms for military service are also exempt, as are those who cannot afford to pay it, according to some sources.
Dodds, J.D. & Glick, T.F. (eds.). (1992). Convivencia: Jews, Muslims and Christians in Medieval Spain. V.B. Mann, New York: George Braziller & The Jewish Museum.
Barrio, R. S. (2010). La convivencia. Interroger la coexistence. In D. Do Paço, M. Monge, & L. Tatarenko (éds.), Des religions dans la ville (1). Rennes, France : Presses universitaires de Rennes. https://doi.org/10.4000/books.pur.129558
Romano, D. (1995). Coesistenza/convivenza tra ebrei e cristiani ni ispanici. Sefarad, 55, 359-382.
Bensoussan, David. (2007). L’ESPAGNE DES TROIS RELIGIONS. Grandeur et décadence de la convivencia. Paris, France : L’Harmattan, collection : Religions et Spiritualité.
Glick, T. (1992). Convivencia: An Introductory Note. In V. B. Mann, T. F. Glick & JD Dodds (Eds.), Convivencia: Jews, Muslims, and Christians in Medieval Spain (pp. 1-9). New York, NY, US: George Braziller.
Burns, R. (1984). Muslims Christians, and Jews in the Crusader Kingdom of Valencia: Societies in Symbiosis. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
Castro, Américo. (1948 (1983)). España en su historia. Cristianos, moros y judíos. Buenos Aires, Argentina: Editorial Losada. Reprint, Barcelona, Spain: Crítica.
Castro, A. (1948). España en su Historia. Mexico City, Mexico: Porrúa.
Araya Goubet, G. (1976). The Evolution of Castro’s Theories. In JR Barcia (Ed.), Américo Castro and the Meaning of Spanish Civilization. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.
Castro is generally seen as the father of Convivencia; Alex Novikoff, however, observes that Castro borrowed the term from the philologist Ramón Menéndez Pidal. See Novikoff, Alex. (2005). Between Tolerance and Intolerance in Medieval Spain: An Historiographic Enigma. Medieval Encounters, 11(1). See Hartman, Abigail. (2016). ANYTHING AND EVERYTHING”: THE PROBLEMATIC LIFE OF CONVIVENCIA. Furman University Scholar Exchange, pp 18 & 20 for a discussion of Pidal’s contributions to Spanish historiography and Castro’s revisionist response. Retrieved from https://scholarexchange.furman.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1002&context=fhr
Of the cultural efflorescence during the reign of Alfonso X “The Learned,” for example, Castro writes, “Arabic sciences and technical knowledge were imported by the Castilian Christian because of their practical and artistic efficacy. . . The Jew served as an intermediary between the Moor and the Christian in many ways, and through him the Castilian of the dominant caste was able to become master of his lands, conqueror of the Moor, and eventually executor of the Hispano-Hebrew prophecies of imperial dominion of the world.” Castro, The Spaniards, p. 539 (see below the full reference of the book in question).
Castro, Américo. (1971). The Spaniards: An Introduction to Their History. Translated by Willard F. King and Selma Margaretten. Berkeley, CA, US: University of California Press.
Mudéjar art refers to a distinctive style of Iberian architecture and decoration that emerged during the Middle Ages, blending elements of Islamic, Christian, and Jewish art. The term “Mudéjar” originally referred to Muslims who remained in Spain after the Christian Reconquista, and their artistic contributions significantly influenced the architectural and decorative landscape of the region. In architecture, the Mudejars used their own techniques (horseshoe arches, blind arcatures, minaret-shaped bell towers) and their own ornamentation: arabesques, coffered ceilings (artesonados) with marquetry. Applied to Romanesque, especially Gothic and Renaissance buildings, these elements produced a hybrid style. Its main features are the horseshoe arch, the use of bricks, and decoration in polychrome chased plaster (yeserias) and ceramics (azulejos). It’s the use of art techniques brought by Muslims to buildings built by Christians.
Wolf, K. B. (2009). Convivencia in medieval Spain: A brief history of an idea. Religion Compass, 3(1), 72-85. Retrieved from https://compass.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/j.1749-8171.2008.00119.x
Meyuhas Ginio, A. (1998). Convivencia o coexistencia? Acotaciones al pensamiento de Américo Castro. In Carrete Parrondo C., Meyuhas Ginio A. (Ed.), Creencias y culturas. Cristianos, judíos y musulmanes en la España Medieval (p. 147-158). Salamanque, Spain : Universidad Pontífica de Salamanca.
Fernand, Niel. (1955). Albigeois et cathares (p. 25). Paris, France : PUF.
Soifer, Maya. (2009). Beyond Convivencia: Critical Reflections on the Historiography of Interfaith Relations in Christian Spain. Journal of Medieval Iberian Studies, 1(1), 19-35.
Chtatou, Mohamed. (2020). Al-Andalus: Glimpses of Human Coexistence and Compassion – Analysis. Eurasia Review. Retrieved from https://www.eurasiareview.com/19102020-al-andalus-glimpses-of-human-coexistence-and-compassion-analysis/
Ray, J. (2006). Beyond Tolerance and Persecution: Reassessing Our Approach to Medieval Convivencia. Jewish Social Studies, 11, 1–18.
Gómez-Martínez, JL. (1975). Américo Castro y el Origen De los Españoles: Historia De una Polémica. Madrid, Spain: Gredos.
Bejczy, István. (1997). Tolerantia: A Medieval Concept. Journal of the History of Ideas, 58(3), 365-84.
Cailleaux, Christophe. (2013). Chrétiens, juifs et musulmans dans l’Espagne médiévale. La convivencia et autres mythes historiographiques. Cahiers de la Méditerranée, 86. Retrieved from http://journals.openedition.org/cdlm/6878 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/cdlm.6878
Menocal, M. R. (2002). The Ornament of the World: How Muslims, Jews, and Christians Created a Culture of Tolerance in Medieval Spain. Boston, MA: Little, Brown, and Co.
Sánchez-Albornoz, C. (1929). España y el Islam. Revista de Occidente, 24, 1-30.
Von Kemnitz, Eva-Maria. (2008). David Bensoussan, L’Espagne des trois religions. Grandeur et décadence de la convivencia. Archives de sciences sociales des religions, 144(7), 163-274. Retrieved from http://journals.openedition.org/assr/18653 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/assr.18653
Lévi-Provençal, Evariste. (1953). Histoire de l’Espagne musulmane. 2., Le califat umayyade de Cordoue (912-1031) et 3., Le siècle du califat de Cordoue (p.431, p. 577). Paris, France : G.-P. Maisonneuve.
Mazzoli-Guintard, Christine. (2009). Cordoue, Séville, Grenade : mythes et réalités de la coexistence des trois cultures. Horizons Maghrébins – Le droit à la mémoire, 61, 22-29. Retrieved from https://www.persee.fr/doc/horma_0984-2616_2009_num_61_1_2792
Arigita, E. (2013). The ‘Cordoba Paradigm’: Memory and Silence around Europe’s Islamic Past. In F. Peter, S. Dornhof & E. Arigita (Ed.), Islam and the Politics of Culture in Europe: Memory, Aesthetics, Art (pp. 21-40). Bielefeld: transcript Verlag. https://doi.org/10.1515/transcript.9783839421765.21
The word muladi (Spanish: muladí, muladíes in the plural) comes from the Arabic مُوَلَّد, muwallad, meaning: adapted or mixed. The term has two closely related meanings that tend to define the identity of a non-Arab person converted to the Muslim faith during the al-Andalus era. In Muslim Spain, this term was used in two ways: 1) The Christian who abandoned Christianity, converted to Islam and lived among Muslims. He differed from a Mozarab because the latter retained his Christian religion in areas under Muslim domination. 2)The son of a mixed Christian-Muslim couple of Muslim faith. Muladi refers to individuals in medieval Islamic Spain (al-Andalus) who were of mixed ancestry, particularly those who were converts to Islam from Christianity or were descendants of such converts. The term derives from the Arabic word “muwallad,” which means “born of a mixed lineage.” Many muladis remained in Iberia and played significant roles in the cultural and social landscapes of medieval Spain, with some converting back to Christianity over time.
Halilović, Safvet. (2017). ISLAMIC CIVILIZATION IN SPAIN – A MAGNIFICIENT EXAMPLE OF INTERACTION AND UNITY OF RELIGION AND SCIENCE. Psychiatria Danubina, 29(1), 64-72.
Al-Idrîsî. (1154). Nuzhat al-mushtaq fî ikhtirâq al-âfâq, also known as the Book of Roger. Sicily.
Ofek, Hillel. (2011). Why the Arabic World Turned Away from Science. The New Atlantis, 30, 3-23. Retrieved from https://www.thenewatlantis.com/publications/why-the-arabic-world-turned-away-from-science
Hajar R. (2013). The Air of History Part III: The Golden Age in Arab Islamic Medicine An Introduction. Heart views : the official journal of the Gulf Heart Association, 14(1), 43-46. https://doi.org/10.4103/1995-705X.107125
Halilović, Safvet. (2017). Op. cit., p. 64.
Matthew E. F.; Zarkadoulia, E. A. & Samonis, G. (2006). Arab science in the golden age (750–1258 C.E.) and today. FASEB journal.
Chtatou, Mohamed. (2021). The Golden Age of Judaism in Al-Andalus (Part I) – Analysis. Eurasia Review. Retrieved from https://blogs.timesofisrael.com/the-golden-age-of-judaism-in-al-andalus-part-1/ Chtatou, Mohamed. (2021). The Golden Age of Judaism n Al-Andalus (Part II) – Analysis. Eurasia Review. Retrieved from https://www.eurasiareview.com/24112021-the-golden-age-of-judaism-in-al-andalus-part-ii-analysis/
Pelaez de Rosal, Jesus. (2003). (ed.). Les Juifs à Cordoue (Xe-XIIe siècle). Córdoba, Spain: Edicones El Almendo.
Cohen, Mark R. (1994). Prologue. The “Golden Age” of Jewish-Muslim Relations: Myth and Reality. Asset Press Princeton Edu., 28-38. Retrieved from https://assets.press.princeton.edu/chapters/p10098.pdf
Ibid. p. 28.
Hasdaï ibn Shaprut (Hebrew: חסדאי בן יצחק בן עזרא אבן שפרוט Hasdaï ben Yitzhak ben Ezra ibn Shaprut; Arabic: حسداي بن شبروط ) was a 10th-century Jewish physician, diplomat and patron of the arts (born c. 915 in Jaén – died c. 970 in Cordoba). According to Heinrich Graetz, he was the main promoter of the revival of Jewish civilization in Spain. His father was a well-off, well-educated Jew from Jaén. In his youth, Ḥasdaï acquired a complete knowledge of Hebrew, Arabic, Greek and Latin, the latter being known at the time only to the Spanish high clergy. Studying medicine, he is said to have rediscovered the composition of a panacea known as “Al-Farouk” (i.e. theriac). As a result, he was appointed physician to the Umayyad caliph of Cordoba, Abd al-Rahman III, becoming the first Jew to hold such a position. His manners, knowledge and personality won him the favor of his master, and he became his confidant and faithful adviser. Although he could not be appointed vizier because of his Jewishness, he unofficially performed the duties of vizier. He was responsible for foreign affairs, as well as customs and docking rights in the port of Cordoba, the main route for foreign trade.
Manzano Moreno, E. (2013). Qurtuba: some critical considerations of the Caliphate of Córdoba and the myth of convivencia. Madrid, Spain: Casa Árabe e Instituto Internacional de Estudios Árabes y del Mundo Musulmán.
The term “Morisco” (from the Spanish morisco) refers to Muslims in Spain who converted to Catholicism between 1499 (campaign of mass conversions in Granada) and 1526 (following the decree expelling Muslims from the Crown of Aragon). It also refers to the descendants of these converts. While Mudejars were Muslims living under the authority of Christian kings during the reconquest of Spain (completed in 1492 with the capture of Granada by Ferdinand II of Aragon and Isabella of Castile, the Catholic Monarchs), Moriscos were Christians, formerly Muslims or descendants of converted Muslims. Strictly speaking, therefore, they do not form a clearly defined religious or ethnic minority. Between the period of the initial conversions (1499-1502 for the Crown of Castile, 1521-1526 for the Crown of Aragon), and the general expulsion of the Moriscos in 1609-1614, several generations followed one another, more or less close to Arab-Muslim culture, more or less assimilated into the Christian majority society. Regional differences were also significant, with varying degrees of assimilation.
Sachedina, Abdulaziz. (2001). Islamic Roots of Democratic Pluralism. New York, US: Oxford University Press.
Soifer, M. (2009). Beyond convivencia: critical reflections on the historiography of interfaith relations in Christian Spain. Journal of Medieval Iberian Studies, 1(1), 19-35. https://doi.org/10.1080/17546550802700335
Gampel, Benjamin R. (1992). Jews, Christians, and Muslims in Medieval Iberia: Convivencia Through the Eyes of Sephardic Jews. In Vivian B. Mann, Thomas F. Glick, & Jerrilynn D. Dodds (Eds.) Convivencia: Jews, Muslims, and Christians in Medieval Spain (pp. 11–37). New York, US: George Braziller Incorporated.
Chtatou, Mohamed. (2022). Les Imazighen en al-Andalous. Le Monde Amazigh. Retrieved from https://amadalamazigh.press.ma/fr/les-imazighen-en-al-andalous/
Viguera, Molins M.J. (2001). La identidad de al-Andalus. In Valdeón, Baruque J. (Ed), Año mil, año dos mil. Dos milenios en la historia de España (p. 183-204). Madrid, Spain: Sociedad Estatal España Nuevo Milenio.
Meyerson, M. (ed.). (1999). Christians, Muslims, and Jews in Medieval and Early Modern Spain: Interaction and Cultural Change. Notre Dame, IN, US University of Notre Dame Press.
Lowney, C. (2005). A Vanished World: Muslims, Christians, and Jews in Medieval Spain. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press.
The Almoravids were a fundamentalist religious movement born in Kairouan in the early 11th century. They set up their capital in Marrakech in 1068 and quickly took control of Morocco. After the fall of Toledo (1085), the king of Seville called on them for help, and they rebuilt the unity of Muslim Spain for their own benefit, before returning to Africa in the early years of the 12th century. The Almohads were also rigorist Muslims (the word means followers of the one God). They began by creating a small state south of Marrakech (1124) and supplanted the Almoravids. From 1147 to 1150, they in turn reunified Muslim Spain. They returned to Morocco after their defeat at Las Navas de Tolosa (1212).
Lea, H. C. (1896). Ferrand Martinez and the Massacres of 1391. The American Historical Review, 1(2), 209-219. https://doi.org/10.2307/1833647 In 1391, a wave of anti-Jewish riots swept through Christian Spain, leaving thousands dead and leading many thousands more to accept Christianity (sometimes by force) or to flee the country. As a result, the Church became increasingly suspicious of the sincerity of these former Jews’ conversions, which were then duly investigated by the Inquisition. Ecclesiastical authorities were particularly exercised about the possible influence of Spain’s large Jewish population on their former coreligionists, a concern that eventually led to the expulsion of the remaining Jews in 1492.
Valdeón, Baruque J. (Ed.). (2004). Cristianos, Musulmanes y Judíos en la España Medieval : de la aceptación al rechazo. Valladolid, Spain : Ámbito et Fundación Duques de Soria.
The expulsion of the Moriscos from Spain (Spanish: Expulsión de los moriscos, Catalan: Expulsió dels moriscos) was an expulsion promulgated by King Philip III of Spain on April 9, 1609, signifying the abandonment of Spanish territories by the Moriscos, descendants of Muslim populations converted to Christianity by the “Catholic Kings” decree of February 12, 1502. Although the Morisco rebellion in Granada (1568-1571) a few decades earlier was at the root of the decision, it particularly affected the Kingdom of Valencia, which lost a large proportion of its inhabitants. Cf. Sánchez-Blanco, Rafael Benítez. (2001). Heroicas decisiones. La Monarquía católica y los moriscos valencianos. Valence, Spain : éd. Institut Alfons El Magnànim.
Collins, R. & Goodman, A. (2002). Medieval Spain: Culture, Conflict and Coexistence. London, UK: Palgrave Macmillan.
Monroe, J. T. (1976). The Hispanic-Arabic World. In JR Barcia (ed.), Américo Castro and the Meaning of Spanish Civilization (pp. 69–87). Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.
Menéndez Pidal, Ramón. (1968). España, eslabón entre la cristiandad y el islam (p. 17). Madrid, Spain : Espasa-Calpe, col. Austral nº 1280.
López-Morillas, C., & Vázquez, M. A. (1994). ALJAMIADO LITERATURE. The Year’s Work in Modern Language Studies, 56, 337-341. http://www.jstor.org/stable/25832605
Vernet, J. (1985). Ce que la culture doit aux Arabes d’Espagne. Paris, France : Sindbad.
Akasoy, Anna. (2010). CONVIVENCIA AND ITS DISCONTENTS: INTERFAITH LIFE IN AL-ANDALUS. International Journal of Middle East Studies, 42(3), 489-499. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/S0020743810000516
Orientalism refers to the imitation or depiction of aspects of the Eastern world by Western writers and artists. The term was significantly shaped by Edward Said in his 1978 work, which critiqued Western representations of the East and laid the foundation for postcolonial studies. The concept emerged prominently in the 1830s, marking a period when scholars and writers began to explore Eastern cultures, often portraying them through a colonial lens. Cf. Said, Edward. (1979). Orientalism. New York, US: Vintage Books.
Soifer, Maya. (2009). Op. cit.
Ibid.
Thomas, Sarah-Mae. (2013). The Convivencia in Islamic Spain. The Fountain Magazine. Retrieved from https://fountainmagazine.com/all-issues/2013/issue-94-july-august-2013/the-convivencia-july-2013
Fanjul, Serafin. (2019). Al Andalus, l’invention d’un mythe. La réalité historique de l’Espagne des trois cultures. Paris, France : L’Artilleur.
Soifer, Maya. (2009). Op. cit.
García-Sanjuán, Alejandro. (2019). Denying the Islamic conquest of Iberia: A historiographical fraud. Journal of Medieval Iberian Studies, 11. DOI: 10.1080/17546559.2019.1601753
García-Sanjuán, Alejandro. (2018). Serafín Fanjul, Al-Andalus, l’invention d’un mythe. La réalité historique de l’Espagne des trois cultures. Cahiers de civilisation médiévale, 243. Retrieved from http://journals.openedition.org/ccm/4733; DOI: https://doi.org/10.4000/ccm.4733
Glick, Thomas F. (1979). Islamic and Christian Spain in the Early Middle Ages (p. 281). Princeton, NJ, US: Princeton University Press. However, he seems to have warmed to the term or at least come to accept it by 1992, writing, “Convivencia survives. What we add to it is the admission that cultural interaction inevitably reflects a concrete and very complex social dynamic. What we retain of it is the understanding that acculturation implies a process of internalization of the ‘other’ that is the mechanism by which we make foreign cultural traits our own.” Glick, Thomas F. (1992). Convivencia: An Introductory Note. In Vivian B. Mann, Thomas F. Glick, & Jerrilynn D. Dodds (Eds.) Convivencia: Jews, Muslims, and Christians in Medieval Spain (p. 7). New York, NY, US: George Braziller, Inc.
Gampel, Benjamin R. (1992). Op. cit.
Montáves, Pedro Martinez. (2011). Significado y simbolo de Al-Andalus (p. 55). Granada, Spain: CantArabia Editorial, Caja Granada.
Chejne, Anwar G. (1974). Muslim Spain: Its History and Culture. Minneapolis, MN, US : University of Minnesota Press.
Szulc, Tadeusz(2007). Pope John Paul II: The Biography. London, UK : Simon & Schuster Adult Publishing Group.
John Paul II. (1995). ADDRESS OF HIS HOLINESS JOHN PAUL II. L’Osservatore Romano. Weekly Edition in English, 41, 8-10. Retrieved from https://www.vatican.va/content/john-paul-ii/en/speeches/1995/october/documents/hf_jp-ii_spe_05101995_address-to-uno.html
Convivance n. f. XVIIIe siècle, au sens de « fait de vivre ensemble ». Dérivé de l’ancien français convivre, « vivre ensemble », avec influence, au XXe siècle, de l’espagnol Convivencia. Situation dans laquelle des communautés, des groupes humains différents vivent ensemble au sein d’une même société en entretenant des relations de voisinage, de concorde et d’échange. La convivance des musulmans, des juifs et des chrétiens en Espagne prit fin en 1492.
‘Arabi, Mohyiddîn b. (1966). Turjumân al-Ashwâq (l‘Interprète des ardents désirs) (p. 43). Beyrouth, Liban : éd. Dar Sader, Beyrouth.
Sallefranque, Charles. (1954). Quand le soleil se levait à l’Occident. Cahiers du Sud, 326, 104.
Chtatou, Mohamed. (2021). Al-Andalus: Multiculturalism, Tolerance and Convivencia. FUNCI. Retrieved from https://funci.org/al-andalus-multiculturalism-tolerance-and-convivencia/?lang=en
Pérez, Joseph. (2017).
Thorne, K. (2013). Diversity and coexistence: towards a convivencia for 21st century public administration. Public Administration Quarterly, 37(3),491+ . https://link.gale.com/apps/doc/A359213174/AONE?u=anon~5ddddc8a&sid=googleScholar&xid=97847729
The Summa Theologica is a famous work of theology by Saint Thomas Aquinas, often referred to simply as the Summa. It is a comprehensive overview of Christian doctrine, organized systematically and presented in a question-and-answer format. The Summa Theologica, St. Thomas Aquinas’ brilliant synthesis of Christian thought, has had a decisive and permanent impact on philosophy and religion since the thirteenth century. As the title indicates, is a summing up of all that can be known about God and humanity’s relations with God. Divided into three parts, the work consists of 38 tracts, 631 questions, about 3000 articles, 10,000 objections and their answers. Cf. Aquinas, Saint Thomas. (1948). Summa Theologica. Notre Dame, Indiana, US: Ave Maria Press.
Halilović, Safvet. (2017). Op. cit., p. 69.
Wood, Chris. (2010). Convivencia: a medieval idea with contemporary relevance. Journal Gold, 1(1). https://doi.org/10.25602/GOLD.atol.v1i1.218
Moreno, E. M., & Roe, J. (2023). The Court of the Caliphate of al-Andalus: Four Years in Umayyad Córdoba. Edinburgh, UK : Edinburgh University Press. http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.3366/jj.1011776