Far from weakening the IRGC, the war has entrenched its power, pushing Iran towards a military-run state with clerical cover
In its war against Iran, the US and Israel have heavily targeted the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), striking its command structure, intelligence networks, air and naval assets, as well as broader military infrastructure.
The insurgency in Mali escalates after over 30 have been killed in twin attacks in Korikori and Gomossogou, in attacks blamed on the JNIM.
Two attacks in central Mali claimed by Al-Qaeda-linked jihadists have killed more than 30 people, local, security and administrative sources told AFP on Thursday.
An environmental knowledge commons could support evidence-based policymaking, but it will require long-term coordination across the many communities monitoring pollution and local conditions.
In the northern part of the San Francisco Bay Area, four communities are simultaneously navigating the past and future of energy. At oil refineries in Richmond and Martinez, it’s business as usual. Recently, Chevron Richmond and PBF Energy-owned Martinez Refining Company (MRC) have battled state regulators over stricter emissions rules. MRC has had a string of notable accidents and toxic dust releases that have worried and angered nearby residents, who have watchdogged the refineries for decades.
One of the biggest difficulties for politicians and pundits trying make sense of changes in the world is what I call the Problem of Classification. Most apparently sudden and violent changes have three common characteristics. The first is that they are not, in fact, sudden, but have been building up for a long time, often unnoticed and so not understood. The second is that some event, often unexpected, has intervened to suddenly make these changes which were previously hidden now obvious. The third is that in almost all cases, the changes obey simple rules which have been in force for millennia, but are not usually discussed in textbooks of politics and international relations.
Discord between Western allies — ostensibly due to contrasting views towards Islam and Israel — has recently escalated to a new height. Its core most likely consists of a deep-seated envy that a handful of scruffy, hunted people managed to transform a land of sand dunes, deserts and malarial swamps into a gleaming superpower — all while defending themselves against unrelenting neighboring countries trying to snuff them out. Such an achievement must, of course, be punished.
They came from the wilderness, conquering and purifying the land, and imposing “the True Faith” on the infidels and the lax and corrupt. It was Ghana, Mali, Songhai, Macina, and Tukuler, the conquests of Sundiata Keita, Askia Muhammad Ture the Great and many others. For over a thousand years the pattern has repeated itself. We Moderns, especially in the West, tend to have short memories about such things.
I. Le paradoxe central
Posons le problème dans toute sa rigueur.
La Transcendance, telle que nous l’avons définie, est le Tout-Autre – radicalement inaccessible, non-conceptualisable, hors d’atteinte de tout concept, de tout désir, de toute saisie. Rien dans l’ordre du manifesté ne peut l’atteindre, la contenir ou l’épuiser.
En matière de politique, Trump n’est pas maître de ses propres décisions : il n’est que le porte-parole chargé de mettre en œuvre une stratégie recourant à des moyens peu recommandables ; une stratégie visant à maintenir une hégémonie qui finira par s’attaquer à la Chine et à la Russie – et qui échouera probablement, car les États-Unis ont commis d’énormes erreurs d’appréciation.
Dans un contexte marqué par la surcharge informationnelle, les crises à répétition et la fragmentation des repères, une question s’impose de plus en plus : sommes-nous encore réellement aux commandes de nos décisions ?
C’est autour de cette interrogation centrale que s’articule cet entretien avec Jean-Jacques Crèvecœur, auteur, conférencier et formateur, qui consacre depuis plus de quarante ans ses travaux à la compréhension des mécanismes de pouvoir, de manipulation et de conscience individuelle.
Three years before becoming Israel’s prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu laid out a worldview in his 1993 book, A Durable Peace: Israel and Its Place Among the Nations, that would come to define both his leadership and the region around him. Rejecting the optimism of the post-Cold War peace process, he instead advanced a harder doctrine, what he called a “peace of deterrence,” rooted not in reconciliation, but in power: “the only kind of peace that can endure in the Middle East is a peace that can be defended.”